This article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of ...Greek-Cypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand post-war Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
BFBNIB, DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
This article addresses a key legal debate that the Baltic NATO members ought to engage in: what constitutes an “armed attack” and what interpretation should be made of this concept in order to deter ...recent Russian hybrid warfare strategies. These questions are considered in connection with a more general issue regarding the law of self-defence: the question of what constitutes an armed attack in international law. This article will try to present a broad definition and context of Russian hybrid warfare and how it is challenging traditional jus ad bellum paradigms. Too few policy-makers have paid detailed attention to the new Russian “lawfare” in Ukraine, using specific military and non-military tactics in order to blur the lines between “armed attack” and mere political intervention. Meanwhile, legal scholars detach their analysis from actual policy-serving considerations and tend to acquiesce to some very restrictive theories of the use force in self-defence. For some countries, like the Baltic ones, facing strategic exposure – because of both threatening neighbours and low military capacities – the jus ad bellum paradigm should not be construed as another layer of obstacle.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Defence and Security Policy Dokos, Thanos
The Oxford Handbook of Modern Greek Politics,
10/2020
Book Chapter
The chapter begins with a very concise review of Greece’s defence and security policies from the end of the Second World War to the end of the Cold War. The analysis then focuses on the post-Cold War ...era, and especially the transformation of Greece’s security environment after 2011 (as a result of the Arab revolts, but also the Ukraine conflict, Balkan instability, and the multi-dimensional European crisis) and the emergence of new risks and threats in the Eastern Mediterranean. In this context, security challenges and priorities and Greece’s security prospects in this fluid regional and international environment are presented and assessed. The key argument is that the Turkey factor remains dominant in Greece’s threat assessment and the driving force behind most foreign and defence-policy initiatives. Greek security strategy is also examined in a comparative context, with European countries of similar size. A discussion of Greece’s contemporary geostrategic value is followed by Greece’s participation and possible role in the context of the EU and NATO. Additional issues examined include the defence and security decision-making mechanism and the main institutions and actors involved, and the evolution and (in)flexibility of defence expenditures. The chapter also assesses the state of the art regarding research and analysis in the field of Greek security policy.
The bill, submitted by the government of Daniel Ortega on the grounds that it is needed to confront new security threats emerging in Nicaragua, has been criticised by the opposition, local business ...groups, and non-government organisations over the lack of clarity on what constitutes a threat, leaving it to the discretion of the government and the military; giving security forces the prerogative to act in "anticipation" of potential threats, while not offering options to face authorities' abuse.
Air defense plays a decisive role in victory in today's battle scene. Meanwhile, the doctrine of passive defense is very important in air defense. Therefore, the current research was based on the ...explanation of the doctrine of passive defense with the approach of air defense (principles and basic requirements) based on a mixed method. Data has been collected by library and field method. 11 people selected as a sample for the interview among experts in the field of passive defense, air defense and military doctrine, who serving in strategic, command and staff jobs as well as position of major general and above and equivalent in the public organizations. In addition, the statistical sample for the questionnaire was selected from commanders, military and civilian officials related to active defense, passive defense at the armed forces, the country and related organizations. Data analysis was done by Grounded Theory and in three stages of open, axial and selective coding. The results led to eight principles of the doctrine of passive defense based on air defense approach, namely, readiness, agility, resilience, obfuscation, immunization, intelligence aristocracy, defense training and deterrence. More therefore, the basic requirements for each principle were determined separately. Quantitative results showed the principle of deterrence, intelligence aristocracy and immunity are the most important among other principles.
If the United States were subject to a terrorist nuclear attack, its president would face overwhelming political pressure to respond decisively. A well-prepared response could help both to prevent ...additional attacks and to bring the perpetrators to justice. An instinctive response could be cataclysmically ineffective, inflicting enormous collateral damage without achieving either deterrence or justice. An international security doctrine of Mutually Assured Support can make the response to such attacks more effective as well as less likely—by requiring preparations that reduce the threat. The doctrine requires all subscribing nations to mobilize fully in support of the attacked nation, in return for a promise of nonretaliation. It provides a vehicle for domestic and international leadership, allowing the president to engage the American people, from a position of strength, around an issue that has had little public discussion. The authors describe its rationale, implications, and implementation.
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