Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih ...stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo.
The paper investigates the objectives and strategies of Slovenian political groups during the period spanning from the
December 1 Act
of 1918 to the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November 1920. Despite shared external political goals among the Slovenian parties and their common ambition to participate in government on the domestic front, this period witnessed numerous internal divisions. Within the Slovenian National Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka – SLS), a rift emerged between critics of Greater Serbian policies and opportunists aiming for a post-election coalition with Serbian radicals (Narodna radikalna stranka). Despite the ambition of both preserving the status of the strongest Slovenian political option and using the coalition potential for government participation, which offered a better perspective for achieving foreign policy objectives, the party successfully preserved its organizational integrity. Simultaneously, the Slovenian liberals, who welcomed the Kingdom of SCS with enthusiasm unlike the majority of conservatives, experienced fragmentation into several parties. This was fuelled by the expectation that Slovenian inclusion in the South Slavic state would create more manoeuvring room in Slovenian territory for Yugoslav unitary political forces. Consequently, some liberals sought to capture the marginal segments of the electorate traditionally aligned with the conservatives. The average Slovenian voter, however, showed a reluctance towards unitarism, and the best electoral result was achieved by the liberal faction emphasizing Slovenian autonomy during the pre-election period. The social democratic pole achieved a relatively good result, even as it experienced internal division. Reformists directed their criticism at their Slovenian political competitors, while communists adopted a more radical approach towards Serbia. They criticized the SLS only implicitly and even absorbed segments of its pre-war program, penetrating its electorate without major direct conflict.
The article presents the relationship between the leaders of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the leaders of the Communist Party of Albania from the end of World War II till the break-up of ...relations of the two, namely from the spring of 1945 till mid-1948. This relationship had been of crucial importance in the mentioned period since the two communist parties had totalitarian power and control over their respective countries. Nevertheless, the Albanian communists were junior partners in this close cooperation. The most important fields of cooperation were the economy and military, where Albanians were supposed to receive the help and support of Yugoslavs, and be obedient in return. The Yugoslav side demonstrated a full control over Albanian economic policy by the rejection of the Albanian economic plan in the spring of 1947. Such economic plans were the tools of communists in socialist countries that allowed them to rule their countries and wield overwhelming influence over the people. Having insight into books and articles concerning the topic, the author has discovered that some questions have not yet been fully examined. The archival fonds of the representative of the Yugoslav communists in Albania, Savo Zlatić, have not been used. Furthermore, the sheer volume of the Albanian discontent as to how the Yugoslavs had helped them has not been established so far. Therefore, the aim of this article is to compare different sources and find as many unresolved questions as possible. The topic is politically sensitive and shows how much we may learn about the political history of the 20th century or, in other words, how delicate research about political history may be, given the lack of many studies that would examine myriad relevant topics and thus prepare the conditions to make syntheses about this topic as precise and complete as possible.
The reports and writings of Savo Zlatić open up the world of misunderstandings and conflicts between the two countries and instil doubts as to whether these conflicts had something to do with differences between the peoples of the two countries, differences that the Marxist-Leninist way of thinking and approach was not capable of dealing with.
The article examines the activities of the Central Yugoslav Bureau under the Central Committee of the RCP(b) and the Yugoslav Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies in Moscow in the final stage ...of the civil war. According to Soviet and Yugoslav historiography of the socialist period, the Yugoslav communist organizations in 1920–1921 were mainly engaged in helping bring home Yugoslavs - former Austro-Hungarian subjects - who had participated in the civil war on both sides. The documents used in this article make it possible to assert that these organizations did not contribute so much to the repatriation of their nationals, but rather tried to “appropriate” part of the powers of the Bolshevik punitive organs in deciding, at its discretion, who among the Yugoslavs was a “proletarian element” and as such could count on returning, and who, like “all former Serbian and Montenegrin subjects without exception,” was subject to imprisonment in a concentration camp for the purpose of being further held hostage. The institution of hostage emerged within the framework of the “red terror” policy, the starting point of which was the order of the Cheka (a common name for the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission) dated 2 September 1918. As for the Yugoslav hostages, it was obviously impossible to use them to blackmail the “enemies of Soviet power” inside Russia. However, they could come in handy in case of establishing contacts with the authorities of the Kingdom of SHS. The Yugoslav Council had repeatedly sent them appeals to start talks on the fate of the Yugoslavs who ended up in Russia. Both they and other foreign citizens were interned by the Bolsheviks en masse in order to guarantee the immunity of their own emissaries abroad, as well as to exchange for arrested members of the European communist parties. In conclusion, the author offers his vision of the reasons for the closure of these organizations of the Yugoslav communists.
U radu se problematiziraju političke i društvene okolnosti u Kotaru Bjelovar neposredno nakon završetka Drugog svjetskog rata u kojima Komunistička partija Hrvatske Kotarskog komiteta Bjelovar ...nastoji zadobiti legitimacijski temelj i učvrstiti vlast. Osnovna je namjera rada pokazati da je KPH u Kotaru Bjelovar u sredini koja je prije početka, u vrijeme i nakon završetka rata bila čvrsto vezana za političko, gospodarsko i kulturno djelovanje bivše Hrvatske seljačke stranke (HSS) imala teškoće u uspostavljanju i učvršćivanju svoje vlasti.
Vojska Dvojne Monarhije, kojom su zapovijedali generali Filipović i Jovanović, ušla je 1878. u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Muslimansko je pučanstvo pružilo oružani otpor, ali je nakon nekoliko bitaka kod ...Jajca, Doboja, Stoca i drugdje bilo svladano pa je u Bosni i Hercegovini uspostavljena austro-ugarska vojnička uprava...
Autor na temelju dostupnog arhivskog gradiva analizira odnos Katoličke crkve prema političkim previranjima u Hrvatskoj 1971., poznatim pod nazivom Hrvatsko proljeće, kao i politiku državnih vlasti ...prema Crkvi u danim okolnostima.
Brojnost i snaga hrvatskih gerilskih skupina nastalih u BiH posljedica su zločina što su ih komunistički partizani počinili nad tamošnjim Hrvatima pred kraj Drugoga svjetskog rata i nakon njegova ...završetka. Utjecala je i napetost između jugoslavenskih vlasti i Zapada te glasine i najave novoga rata. Ipak, samo dio gerilaca imao je političke i vojne ciljeve, dok se veći dio borio za goli život. Neki su strahovali zbog uloge koju su imali u ratu, a većina zbog vrlo okrutnoga odnosa vlasti prema zarobljenicima. Represivne akcije komunističke vlasti protiv gerilaca zahvatile su i znatan dio hrvatskoga naroda u BiH. Teror nad tamošnjim hrvatskim stanovništvom nastavljen je godinama nakon rata. Oružani otpor slomljen je nakon šest godina očajničke borbe, ali je pritajeni otpor ostao do kraja komunističkog režima.
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- Nakon kratkog travanjskog rata 1941. godine Kraljevina Jugoslavija prestala je postojati, te nastaje Nezavisna Država Hrvatska kojoj ...na čelo dolaze ustaše na čelu s Antom Pavelićem. Pripadnici ustaške organizacije vratili su se iz Italije, a među njima i Podravci Martin Nemec i Mijo Bzik. Bzik je kao blizak Pavelićev suradnik bio više vezan uz rad na državnoj razini, no Nemec je tad postao povjerenik za grad i kotar Koprivnicu. Na području Đurđevca ovu ulogu je dobio Vladimir Sabolić, kasniji veliki župan župa Posavje i Bilogora. Kod Koprivnice se ubrzo osnovao logor Danica, prvi koncentracijski logor u NDH, te dolazi do progona neistomišljenika. Prema rasnim zakonima uhićuju se Židovi i Romi, ali i brojni Srbi te Hrvati protivnici novog režima. Ustaše su na svoju stranu pokušali pridobiti članove HSS-a, no u Podravini se većina od njih odlučila na politiku čekanja kao i predsjednik stranke Vladko Maček. Ustaše nisu uspjele u naumu da pridobiju najutjecajnijeg podravskog HSS-ovca Mihovila Pavleka Miškinu, te dolazi do njegovog uhićenja. Miškina je 1942. ubijen u logoru Stara Gradiška, što doprinosi približavanju čelnika HSS-a koprivničkog kotara partizanskom pokretu. Mnogi od njih postaju utjecajni u HRSS-u, a Franjo Gaži iz Hlebina 1944. postaje i predsjednikom izvršnog odbora ove organizacije te 1945. i potpredsjednikom hrvatske Vlade. Dio HSS-ovaca koji su podržali ustaški režim 1943. postaju organizatori Bijele garde, vojne formacije koja se posebno razvila u Prekodravlju i đurđevačkoj Podravini. Do pred kraj rata Podravci se nisu masovnije uključivali u partizanski pokret, koji je značajnije uporište imao u selima Kalnika i Bilogore s većinskim srpskim stanovništvom. No unatoč tome došlo je do nekoliko ozbiljnijih sukoba između vojnih snaga NDH i NOP-a. Posebno su glasovite bile bitke za Koprivnicu 1943. i 1944. Osnivanjem Podravskog partizanskog odreda 1944. dolazi do masovnijeg uključivanja Podravaca u NOV, te odred ubrzo prerasta u Podravsku brigadu „Mihovil Pavlek Miškina“. Kako se približavao kraj rata brojni Podravci uključeni u vojne postrojbe NDH povlačili su se pred naletom partizana. Mnogi su uhićeni kod Bleiburga, te su bili sudionici Križnog puta. Mnogi ustaški dužnosnici su nakon dolaska komunista na vlast uhićeni te im je suđeno, a mnogi su se mjesecima skrivali od nove vlasti. Nakon rata su na području Podravine djelovale organizacije križara, koje su na gerilski način pokušavale nastaviti borbu. Ustaška emigracija pokušavala je u svojoj najznačajnijoj poslijeratnoj akciji „Plan deseti travanj“ iz Mađarske preko područja Podravine prebacivati svoje ljude, no akcija je bila neuspješna te je UDB-a zarobila sve prebačene emigrante, među kojima i bivšeg velikog župana Vladimira Sabolića. Po završetku rata komunisti su svim raspoloživim metodama nastojali učvrstiti vlast, a formalno su to uspjeli poslije izbora 1945. nakon kojih je Ustavotvorna skupština usvojila Ustav FNRJ. Nakon rata pokrenut je niz revolucionarnih mjera koje su uzrokovale osiromašenje podravskog sela, te je konfiscirana i nacionalizirana privatna imovina. Komunističke vlasti su bile naročito represivne u odnosu prema Katoličkoj crkvi, koja je imala široku podršku stanovništva i čije su vjerske manifestacije redovito okupljale velik broj Podravaca. Učvršćivanje partijske vlasti pomogla je organizacija HRSS-a, no njeni se ljudi nisu slagali s raznim mjerama partije na selu. Zato je partija nastojala marginalizirati HRSS i zauzeti sve poluge vlasti u Podravini. Nakon sukoba sa SSSR-om 1948. velika većina Podravaca podržala je Tita i Centralni komitet KP-a.- After a brief April war in year 1941, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia ceased to exist, and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was founded, so Ustashas led by Ante Pavelic came to the head of the state. Members of the Ustasha organization returned from Italy, amongst them Martin Nemec and Mijo Bzik from Podravina as well. Bzik, as a close associate of Pavelic, was more related to the affairs of the state, but Nemec then became the commissioner of the city and district Koprivnica. In the area of Đurđevac this role got Vladimir Sabolić, who later became the great County prefect of the Counties Posavje and Bilogora. The Camp Danica was soon established near Koprivnica, the first concentration camp in the NDH, which led to the persecution of dissenters. Jews and Gypsies were arrested according to the racial laws, as well as many Serbs and Croats opponents of the new regime. Ustashas tried to win over the members of the HSS to their side, but in Podravina the most of them decided for the policy of waiting as their party president Vlatko Macek had done. Ustashas’ plan to gain the support of the most influential HSS member in Podravina called Mihovil Pavlek Miškina failed, so they arrested him. Miškina was killed in year 1942 in camp Stara Gradiska, which contributed to approaching of the leaders of the HSS in Koprivnica district to the Partisan movement. Many of them became influential in the HRSS, while Franjo Gaži from Hlebine became the president of the executive board of this organization in year 1944, and vice-president of the Croatian government in year 1945. A part of HSS members who supported the Ustasha regime became in year 1943 the organizers of “Bijela garda”, a military formation that has particularly developed in Prekodravlje and Đurđevac area. Up to the end of the war, people from Podravina were not getting massively involved in the Partisan movement, which had a significant stronghold in the villages of Kalnik and Bilogora where the majority of the population was Serbian. Despite of that, there were a few serious conflicts between military forces of NDH and NOP. The battles for Koprivnica in years 1943 and 1944 were especially famous. By establishing of Podravina partisan detachment in year 1944 led to the mass inclusion of people from Podravina in the NOV, and therefore detachment soon outgrows to Podravina brigade "Mihovil Pavlek Miškina". Towards the end of the war, numerous people from Podravina included in NDH military troops retreated before the onslaught of partisans. Many of them were arrested by Bleiburg, and were the participants of “Križni put” (Way of the Cross). After the Communists came to power a lot of Ustasha officials were arrested and put on trial, and many of them were hiding from the new power for months. After the war, organizations of Crusaders were acting at the area of Podravina trying to continue the battle with the guerrilla type of struggle. Post-war Ustasha emigration tried to transfer their people from Hungary through the area of Podravina in the most significant action of after war Ustasha emigration called "Plan deseti travanj" (Plan of April the 10th), which was unsuccessful so state intelligence service (UDBA) captured all transferred emigrants, among which as well the great County prefect Vladimir Sabolić. After the end of the war communists tried to consolidate their power by all available methods, and they formally managed to do this after elections in year 1945 after which Constituent assembly adopted the Constitution of FNRJ. After the war was initiated a series of revolutionary measures which have caused the pauperization of Podravinas village, and also were confiscated and nationalized private assets. Communist authorities were particularly repressive in relation to Catholic Church, which had a wide support of inhabitants and whose religious events were regularly gathering a major number of people from Podravina. Fixing authority of the Communist party was helped by HRSS organization, but whose people did not agree with a variety of measures of Communist party in the village. That's why the Communist party tried to marginalize the HRSS and take the all the levers of power in Podravina. After the conflict with SSSR in year 1948 the great majority of people from Podravina have supported Tito and Central committee of KP.- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. 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Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- Front- Nedeljko Jovanović - veljkov brat - narednik X puka, Moravska divizija, nosilac zlatne medalje Miloš Obilić, poginuo 1946. ...Ubili ga komunisti- Nedeljko Jovanović - Veljko's brother - sergeant of the X Regiment, Moravian Division, holder of the gold medal Miloš Obilić, died in 1946. He was killed by the communists- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Na temelju dokumenata iz američkih arhiva odnedavno dostupnih javnosti, autor analizira nastojanja Zagrepčanke židovskog podrijetla Hede Stern u lociranju Ante Pavelića. Te njezine aktivnosti do sada ...nisu bile isticane. Autor zaključuje da, usprkos dobrim preduvjetima, ni ona nije uspijevala doći do pouzdanih podataka.
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