O artigo empreende análise crítica do livro de Domenico Losurdo, Fuga dalla Storia? La rivoluzione russa e la revolucione cinese oggi, publicada em 3ª edição, em Nápoles, em 2012, pela Editora Scuola ...de Pitagora. O livro, apresentado em primeira edição em 1999, na Itália, foi publicado no Brasil, pela Editora Revan, em 2004, sob o título Fuga da história? A Revolução Russa e a Revolução Chinesa vistas de hoje. O artigo faz parte de revisão crítica da obra do autor, já realizada no que se refere aos livros Stálin: história crítica de uma legenda negra. (Rio de Janeiro: Revan, 2019) e O marxismo ocidental: como nasceu, como morreu, como pode renascer (São Paulo: Boitempo, 2018). No particular, questiona o método, os processos e as interpretação sobre Revolução Russa e Chinesa e as comparação entre os dois processos, assim como as propostas gerais decorrentes dessa démarche. Aborda as origens político-ideológicas do autor e seus eventuais nexos com suas visões tardias.
In the northern hemisphere's autumn of 2019, I was asked to offer a seminar on a leading Western Marxist philosopher. I quickly chose Domenico Losurdo, since he is clearly one of the most insightful ...European Marxists who has the potential to contribute constructively to debates in China. Two of Losurdo's books have been translated into Chinese, Liberalism: A Counter-History and Hegel and the Freedom of the Moderns, and there is growing interest in his work.
This review essay responds critically to the English translation of Domenico Losurdo's monumental Friedrich Nietzsche: Aristocratic Rebel. It sets out to clearly identify and examine Losurdo's two ...tasks in Nietzsche: firstly, his reconstruction of Nietzsche's intellectual itinerary, from his earliest works until his descent into madness, in the context of later nineteenth-century social, political, philosophical, and eugenic sources; and secondly, to "interpret the interpretations", and understand how Nietzsche's avowed "aristocratic radicalism" could have informed thinkers from across the political spectrum, at the same time as Losurdo contests the cogency of "progressive" readings of Nietzsche as based upon a selective "hermeneutics of innocence" which involves suppressing the recurrent, darker registers of his texts. The essay also unpacks Losurdo's two hermeneutic strategies in this magnum opus. Firstly, we examine his "unifying" claim that Nietzsche, as a great thinker, had a coherent but evolving vision, from Birth of Tragedy through to his final works, unified by his metapolitical intention to overcome democratic, liberal and socialist modern egalitarianisms, by tracking them back to their roots in the Old Testament and classical antiquity. Secondly, we critique his contextualizing methodology which resituates the author of the "untimely meditations" within the debates of his day concerning modernity, slavery, liberalism, socialism, massification, Darwinism, and eugenics. To close, I proffer some brief comments concerning the significance of Losurdo's work in the present moment, as the Far Right globally reasserts itself.
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Domenico Losurdo traveled to Beijing for the first time in the 1970s, when (Western) Maoism thrilled a large number of Western progressive intellectuals. But when these intellectuals turned away from ...China-which they accused of having consolidated an "illiberal totalitarian political regime" but also of having "restored capitalism"-by contrast Losurdo remained a friend of China. For him it was from the Chinese experience and its ability to survive the end of the USSR that one could draw inspiration to confront the most important event in the life of an entire generation: the radical crisis of Marxism and the defeat of the communist movement in the West. Western Marxism, born out of the shock of the First World War, is characterized by a utopian messianism prone to anarchism (the thesis of the extinction of the state, for example, or the claim of an immediate cancelation of borders, or hostility towards economy and technology). In China, on the other hand, Marxism has become the basis of national awareness and the consequent liberation struggle. Once political independence is reached, however, the revolution continues today in order to achieve economic independence. Hence the need for a re-elaboration of the same Marxian category of class struggle.
In the works of Marx and Engels, the national question does not assume a central role, although their reflections on the independence of Ireland and Poland are very important. From the Second ...International onwards the debate increased its relevance, particularly through Rosa Luxembourg's remarks and Lenin's formulations of imperialism, self-determination, and national liberation struggles. However, it was during the challenges of national independence and construction in the socialist experiences that the national question became central. Domenico Losurdo, addressing the national-international dialectic, contributed to the theoretical maturation of the national question within Marxism, since his views enable a multiscale approach to class struggle in the context of transformations of capitalism and the international system. This article aims to analyze the controversial debate on the national question from the perspective of the formulations of Domenico Losurdo.
Domenico Losurdo was convinced of the intrinsically political nature of philosophy: political judgment is the test that verifies or falsifies even the most complex metaphysics, which have no meaning ...if they are not related to the real world. Losurdo often had to defend himself against the accusation of political partisanship. Therefore, he was obliged to demonstrate constantly that he had mastered the history of modern and contemporary philosophy, together with its main theoretical nodes, better than anyone else. Over some 40 years of work, he showed a keen interest in classical German philosophy, studying its relationship with the French Revolution and altering our conceptions of it forever. He turned subsequently to examining liberalism, showing that it is not a theory of individual liberties but represents first and foremost the self-awareness of the "free" community who perceive themselves as "well-born," that is, as aristocrats. Finally, he dedicated himself to the reconstruction of Marxism and historical materialism, starting from a redefinition of the concept of class struggle and undertaking a revaluation of "Eastern Marxism," linked to the anti-colonial struggle, in relation to "Western Marxism." His death leaves us poorer but the conceptual tools he forged will help us to continue his work.
Domenico Losurdo's War and Revolution: Rethinking the Twentieth Century tries to respond to historical revisionism, focusing on authors like Ernst Nolte and works such as The Black Book of Communism. ...Rereading categories such as totalitarianism and genocide, Losurdo's essay defends against the demonisation of the French and Russian revolutionary cycles and the anticolonial revolutions they generated. Reinstating or relativising the Nazi-Fascist experience as a defensive "counter-movement" to the Bolshevik offensive, historical revisionism overlooks the violence that characterises the history of the classically liberal countries and Western colonialism. However, Losurdo demonstrates how, far from just representing a response to the Bolshevik advance, the Nazi-Fascist criminal projects followed the Anglo-American model of colonialism. Niall Ferguson also glosses over these genealogies, delegitimating anticolonial revolutions, transfiguring the United States as the legitimate heir of the British Empire, as well as making it the champion of the cause of modernity and democracy. Faced with its own difficulties and the current emergence of China on the global stage, the American Empire is called upon to openly reject the principle of equality between nations and establish a new world order for the good of humanity. The success that this British historian enjoys is especially worrying, Losurdo concludes.
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