Durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, as forças armadas alemãs incorporaram às suas forças um número significativo de homens (voluntários e conscritos) sem a cidadania alemã, especialmente alemães ...étnicos e cidadãos de países ocupados pela Alemanha. O presente artigo visa apresentar o complexo sistema pelo qual milhões de estrangeiros acabaram participando do esforço de guerra alemão, suas motivações e a do Estado alemão. Uma especial ênfase é dedicada às especificidades do sistema nazista (especialmente a presença ostensiva da pirâmide racial e à divisão dos estrangeiros entre o Exército regular e a Waffen-SS) e à comparação com outros sistemas de incorporação de estrangeiros nas forças militares (como os Aliados ocidentais e a União Soviética), de forma a levantar elementos para discutir o caráter dual do Estado nazista e suas especificidades.
Herwig Hamperl is undoubtedly one of the most influential and prominent representatives of German pathology in the 20th century. Interestingly, he left behind an autobiography (1972) which provides ...information not only about pathology in the Third Reich and in post-war Germany, but above all about his own life and work. His memoirs primarily served the purpose of recording his life's work for posterity and of retaining it in collective memory.
This article focuses specifically on Hamperl's description of the Third Reich. The overriding aim of the paper is to elaborate on his political role and his relationship to National Socialism, which has hardly been investigated to date. Hamperl's autobiographical statements on this very question are therefore compared with the historical facts and – where necessary – contrasted and corrected. The same applies to the image that Hamperl draws of those pathologists who were part of his professional and personal network.
The study is partly based on previously unevaluated archive sources and on a reanalysis of the relevant research literature.
The paper concludes that Hamperl practised pronounced "self-fashioning": His memoirs give the impression of being formally and linguistically smoothened out and are clearly misleading in terms of content. They are characterised by omissions, ornamentation, and embellishments. Thus Hamperl makes false statements on the question of his NSDAP membership and depicts himself as a politically uninvolved university teacher. Furthermore, even in retrospect, he makes hardly any critical remarks on Nazi ideology and Nazi crimes.
This cross-sectional study explores the relationship of former presidents and board members of the German Society of Pathology (DGP) to National Socialism. The intention here is to concretely clarify ...how many of these individuals belonged to the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) or other Nazi organizations during the Third Reich; what significance any kind of Nazi past had on the candidature of individuals for board positions in the Federal Republic of Germany; and how a relationship to National Socialism impacted the careers of these individuals during the Third Reich, as well as later on, in the Federal Republic.
A total of 60 pathologists were included in this study. Each of these individuals was an elected member of the DGP board during (1) the Weimar Republic, (2) the Nazi era, or (3) in the Federal Republic, and all were adults during the Third Reich. All 60 individuals in question were male university professors.
Membership in the NSDAP has been verified for almost 60% of this collective, a percentage rate that is significantly higher than the average membership rate of medical doctors during the Third Reich (ca. 45%). It could also be demonstrated that a political allegiance to National Socialism had, especially amongst younger academics, quite a positive impact. Significantly, however, not one of the 7 DGP chairmen incumbent during the Third Reich were Nazi party members at the time they took office. In contrast, two-thirds of the DGP chairmen appointed until 1986 in the Federal Republic of Germany were former NSDAP members. Clearly, any earlier political commitment to National Socialism did not play a limiting role in the election of the DGP chairman in the Federal Republic. In any case, it can be shown that almost all the former NSDAP members were able to continue or even broaden their careers in the Federal Republic.
This study reaches the conclusion that the DGP executive boards and board members of the Federal Republic of Germany had much closer ties to the National Socialist Party than the DGP executive boards during the Third Reich did. It is precisely this finding that confirms the historical, political, and social relevance of this research project dedicated to reappraising this era in history.
Erstmals wird in einer Studie die zentrale Funktion der ländlichen Volksschullehrkräfte für die nationalsozialistische Ideologisierung auf dem Land ausgeleuchtet. Denn die Lehrer und Lehrerinnen der ...Volksschulen spielten eine wichtige Rolle bei der Implementierung der NS-Ideologie in der Bevölkerung.
Über 90% der Kinder jedes Schuljahrganges besuchten die Volksschule. Zudem nahm das Lehrpersonal wichtige Funktionen in den Dörfern des Deutschen Reiches ein, leitete Gesangs- und Sportvereine und übernahm wichtige Aufgaben innerhalb der Kirche, später auch in der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung. Allerdings haftete den Lehrkräften aufgrund ihres massenhaften Parteieintritts nach der Machtübernahme zunächst der Ruf des Opportunismus an. Intensive Schulungsmaßnahmen sollten sie dazu befähigen, Schulkinder und Dorfbevölkerung für die nationalsozialistische Volksgemeinschaft zu erziehen.
The name of the Hamburg pathologist Carl August Krauspe (1895–1983) is closely linked to the history of the “European Society of Pathology” (ESP) and the “German Pathological Society” (DGP): He was ...one of the founding fathers of the ESP, became its vice president, and was appointed an honorary member in 1983. From 1953–1962 he also served as secretary of the DGP and editor of the association's proceedings. In 1962/63 he finally held the chairmanship of the DGP.
Most of the publications about Carl Krauspe accordingly pay tribute to these professional functions and offices. Hardly mentioned – let alone critically discussed – is the fact that Krauspe joined the “Nazi Party” (NSDAP), the Storm Detachment (SA) and other Nazi organizations after Hitler's “seizure of power”. The content and tenor of Krauspe’s reports on politically exposed colleagues have also hardly been examined.
With this in mind, the present study pursues the goal of exploring Krauspe’s political role and his possible involvement in National Socialism. It is based on previously unexamined archival sources and a reanalysis of the relevant research literature.
The paper points out that Krauspe willingly served the Nazi regime during the Third Reich. Thanks to his “loyalty to the party” he was able to significantly advance his own career after 1933. In addition, individual examples show that Krauspe’s “expert reports” on colleagues before 1945, but also in post-war Germany, were obviously ideologically influenced. After 1945 he failed to make a late personal contribution to the making of amends for Nazi injustice.
Dies ist die erste Biographie von Fritz Bracht, NS-Gauleiter und Oberpräsident in Oberschlesien, dem zweitgrößten Industriegebiet des Dritten Reiches. In diesem Gebiet befand sich auch das ...Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager Auschwitz-Birkenau.Fritz Bracht war der wichtigste Nazi-Würdenträger, der während des Zweiten Weltkriegs in Oberschlesien tätig war. Als Gauleiter (Leiter der regionalen NSDAP) und Oberpräsident (Leiter der Zivilverwaltung) gehörte er zu einer Elitegruppe von Funktionären, denen Adolf Hitler die Verwaltung des besetzten Polens anvertraute. Im Gegensatz zu Hans Frank, Arthur Greiser, Albert Forster oder Erich Koch ist Bracht jedoch eine fast unbekannte Figur. Historiker haben bisher relativ wenig über ihn geschrieben. Die vorliegende Studie ist daher der erste Versuch, eine vollständigere Biographie des Mannes vorzulegen, der für die gesamte Politik des Dritten Reiches gegenüber Oberschlesien verantwortlich war. Er ist es, dem man die Mitschuld an vielen NS-Verbrechen und an der Umsetzung der NS-Volkstumspolitik in diesem Bereich zuschreiben muss.
This study examines the political role of German and Austrian maxillofacial surgeons in the Third Reich. It is based on archival sources, most of which have been evaluated for the first time – ...including the National Socialist Workers' Party membership files in the Federal Archives in Berlin.
The examinations yielded five key findings: (1) A total of 187 specialist surgeons were identified; 116 (62%) of these were members of the Nazi Party (NSDAP). (2) More than half of the collective (54%) belonged to the educated or property-owning bourgeoisie due to their father's profession; surgeons of bourgeois origin generally showed barely any less affinity to the NSDAP than those who came from the middle class. (3) Party members were able to further their careers during the Third Reich far more frequently than non-members. (4) The specialist surgeons were deeply divided regarding the question of the forced sterilization of patients with cleft lips and palates. (5) After 1945, the vast majority of NSDAP members did not suffer any career setbacks.
It can be concluded that maxillofacial surgeons joined the NSDAP to a greater extent than the medical profession as a whole (ca. 45%). This was partly due to the fact that the Nazis emphasized the important role of maxillofacial surgeons in the care of injured soldiers and civilians. In addition, most maxillofacial surgeons were employed at university hospitals, where party membership was particularly career-enhancing.
In den Jahren 1930 und 1931 erschütterten zwei Revolten des SA-Führers Walter Stennes die im Dauerwahlkampf stehende NS-Bewegung. Die schnelle Niederschlagung beider Parteikrisen reklamierte die ...ostdeutsche Schutzstaffel unter Kurt Daluege für sich und verbreitete die Erzählung, Hitler habe die aufstrebende SS mit dem Leitspruch „Meine Ehre heißt Treue“ ausgezeichnet, um ihr für den aufopferungsvollen Einsatz gegen die Rebellen zu danken. Sascha Steger stellt dieses bis heute wirkmächtige Narrativ auf den Prüfstand, analysiert den tatsächlichen Verlauf der Stennes-Revolten und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die SS unter Daluege zwar treu zum „Führer“ stand, aber keine entscheidende Rolle bei der Beendigung der Auseinandersetzung spielte.
W niniejszym artykule przebadano niemieckojęzyczną broszurę propagandową, wydaną w roku 1943 przez Centralne Wydawnictwo Narodowo-Socjalistycznej Niemieckiej Partii Robotniczej. Broszura nosi tytuł: ...Masowy mord w lesie katyńskim. Sprawozdanie oparte na faktach. Celem analizy jest stwierdzenie, czy i w jaki sposób wspomniana broszura realizuje wytyczne propagandowe, wyznaczone przez Ministerstwo Oświecenia Narodowego i Propagandy Rzeszy (PROMI) także w odniesieniu do sposobu przedstawiania i propagandowego wykorzystania faktu znalezienia w Lesie Katyńskim masowych grobów, w których zostali pochowani zamordowani przez NKWD polscy oficerowie, jeńcy sowieccy, więzieni w obozie w Starobielsku. Zagadnienie przebadano na tle istotnych dla analizy wydarzeń historycznych. Analizie materiałowej, retorycznej i językoznawczej poddano wybrane fragmenty tekstu broszury, które zawierają środki propagandowo-perswazyjne. Stwierdzono, iż badany tekst nosi wszelkie cechy tekstu propagandowego, typowego dla okresu, miejsca i celu, jaki miał realizować w ramach działań, prowadzonych przez PROMI. Wybrane do analizy fragmenty zostały przetłumaczone na język polski.
Do pandemics have lasting consequences for political behavior? The authors address this question by examining the consequences of the deadliest pandemic of the last millennium: the Black Death ...(1347–1351). They claim that pandemics can influence politics in the long run if the loss of life is high enough to increase the price of labor relative to other factors of production. When this occurs, labor-repressive regimes, such as serfdom, become untenable, which ultimately leads to the development of proto-democratic institutions and associated political cultures that shape modalities of political engagement for generations. The authors test their theory by tracing the consequences of the Black Death in German-speaking Central Europe. They find that areas hit hardest by that pandemic were more likely to adopt inclusive political institutions and equitable land ownership patterns, to exhibit electoral behavior indicating independence from landed elite influence during the transition to mass politics, and to have significantly lower vote shares for Hitler’s National Socialist Party in the Weimar Republic’s fateful 1930 and July 1932 elections.
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