The article is devoted to the analysis of the activities of emigrant zemstvo organizations in the context of their preservation of the traditions of the pre-revolutionary Russian zemstvo. The Russian ...post-revolutionary emigration caused by the October Revolution of 1917 and the subsequent Civil War numbered up to two million refugees who settled mainly in the countries of Central Europe, Slavic countries, newly formed border states, and the Far East. Many of the former zemstvo officials of various levels who had significant experience in organizing humanitarian assistance to refugees and the wounded during the First World War and the Civil War also emigrated. The article traces the continuity of emigrant zemstvo organizations, primarily the Russian Zemstvos and Towns Relief Committee of Russian Citizens Abroad and its branches, in relation to pre-revolutionary zemstvo institutions, such as the All-Russian Zemstvo Union. Russian emigrant organizations continued their former zemstvo activities, focusing on education (secondary and higher education), employment of Russian refugees (labor exchanges), medical care, and preservation of Russian culture in the new conditions, among other things, by means of organizing and holding the days of Russian culture as well as founding archives and libraries. To prove the idea of continuity of zemstvo organizations, the author considers the structure and composition of the Russian Zemstvos and Towns Relief Committee of Russian Citizens Abroad and its most significant offices in Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Bulgaria, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. The article is mainly based on the materials from the Russian Historical Archive Abroad (RZIA) stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Archives of the Prefecture of Police of Paris, and publications of the Zemgor.
Este artículo tiene como objetivo el exilio de Octubre de 1934 en el departamento de Maine-et-Loire, en concreto en su capital, Angers, y en la próxima localidad de Trélazé. A partir del estudio de ...fuentes primarias francesas ‒departamentales y locales‒ y de la escasa bibliografía existente, se da visibilidad a los refugiados políticos, a sus vicisitudes y a sus estrategias para sobrevivir en el exilio con el apoyo de las organizaciones de izquierda y de la inmigración española. Contrarios a su presencia, se ofrece también la actuación y el discurso de las autoridades y de la opinión pública francesas.
Otokar Fischer (1883 – 1938), jedna z formativních postav československé meziválečné dramatiky a dramaturgie, se ve své lyrické i dramatické tvorbě místy dotkl mimo jiné také sociální a třídní ...otázky. Čerpal témata z probíhajících společenských změn, hned ve dvou ze svých sedmi dramat tematizoval geopolitický řez ruské „říjnové“ revoluce. Roku 1921 se tématu poprvé dotknul v polemickém vícehlasém dramatu Orloj světa, jež o tři roky později doplnil názorově vyhraněnější historickou alegorií Otroci. Obě dramata se od sebe odlišují nejen formálně a tematicky, ale zejména právě v otázce hodnocení bolševické revoluce. Právě na nich tak lze doložit postupnou změnu Fischerovy hodnotové orientace ve vztahu k dobovým levicovým politickým a myšlenkovým směrům. Sám plně bilingvní autor židovského původu, kladl sobě i divákům a čtenářům svých děl otázky, kam jako bludný ahasver v nově vznikajícím společenském řádu patří a jestli může jakožto příslušník minority dobové sociokulturní narativy nejenom pasivně přejímat, ale také sám vyprávět. Analýzou dramat Orloj světa a Otroci pomocí konceptů německého literárního vědce Klause Theweleita, francouzského religionisty René Girarda a zaměřením na každodenní realitu v duchu školy Annales se autor studie pokouší zodpovědět otázku, proč se během tří let mezi napsáním obou dramat zásadně mění Fischerova narativní strategie a jejich obsahové vyznění stran bolševismu a jeho vztahu k židovství.
Based on unpublished archival materials, memoirs and relevant literature, the paper analyses the attitude of officers of the Russian General Staff towards the fall of the Provisional Government of A. ...F. Kerensky and the rise of the Bolsheviks, which ended with a coup d’état on October 25 (November 7), 1917. New archival data was found in the unpublished memoirs of Lieutenant General Vladimir Vladimirovich Marushevsky (1874–1952), the last Chief of the General Directorate of the General Staff of Russian Army at the time of the October Revolution, who ended his life in exile in Yugoslavia.
This article focuses on the cultural policy of the daily newspapers of the revolutionary era, with special attention to the articles published in 1917–18 in the Cadet newspaper Rech’, which was ...repeatedly closed by the Bolsheviks and reopened under new names ‒ Nasha rech’ (Our Speech), Svobodnaia rech’ (Free Speech), Vek (Century), Novaia rech’ (New Speech), Nash vek (Our Age).11Часть работы, связанная с обработкой и анализом газетных источников в аспекте взаимодействия русской литературы и журналистики, выполнена А. А. Холиковым в Институте мировой литературы имени А. М. Горького РАН за счет гранта Российского научного фонда (РНФ, проект № 20-18-00003). Часть работы, связанная с философским осмыслением культурной политики России 1917–1918 гг., выполнена О. А. Коростелевым в Институте мировой литературы имени А. М. Горького РАН за счет гранта Российского научного фонда (РНФ, проект № 17-18-01432). Even at the most critical moments of history, Rech’ consistently paid attention to literature, theater, architecture, painting, science and education. With its wide scope of cultural news, Rech’ was “one of the most important liberal organs in the Russian periodical press system”, according to contemporary researchers, and remained its most representative and progressive socio-political publication. Now, a century later, the Rech’ newspaper deserves recognition as a very important source for the comprehensive study of its period, since it represented a force that in the years 1917–18 prevented the premature death of culture.
The article is devoted to the 100th anniversary of the formation on the ruins of the Russian Empire of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics– the main brainchild of the Great Socialist Revolution, ...which began in October 1917. Being a natural product of the historical development of capitalism and the class struggle of the international proletariat against the bourgeoisie, the USSR became the highest stage in the history of socialism in the 19th-20th centuries. Realizing the vital tasks of Soviet power, the USSR at the same time acted on behalf of and in the name of the working people of all countries, demanding their liberation from any form of oppression and exploitation. Noting the generally recognized merits of the USSR to mankind, its huge contribution to the struggle against imperialism, fascism and colonialism of capitalist states, the author pays special attention to the reasons for its collapse, and also rejects the ideological (perverse and false) nature of liberal criticism of the history of the Soviet state. In conclusion, it is emphasized that humanity has no reasonable alternative to socialism.
A partir da análise do Quebra Bondes, protesto ocorrido em 4 de outubro de 1930 contra as companhias Linha Circular e Energia Elétrica, firmas encarregadas dos bondes, elevadores, planos inclinados, ...eletricidade e telefonia de Salvador, o artigo questiona a costumeira representação da elite baiana de placidez social ou controle da população durante o processo "mudancista" - "outubrista" - em 1930. Nossa intenção estratégica é integrar a pesquisa sobre a Bahia na macronarrativa histórica com termos distantes das perspectivas que a enquadram como um lugar atrasado ou marginal no processo político brasileiro. Para nós, a Bahia aparece muito e desde o começo da Revolução de 30. Legalista no início, o estado aderiu aos vitoriosos (sem resistir). Neste artigo, a Bahia, contudo, não é vira-casaca: é, antes, lugar atravessado pela possibilidade da ação popular direta, pela presença de sertanejos armados por seus patrões, pela conspiração civil e militar e, por fim, pelas forças oligárquicas aliadas a São Paulo. Em particular, o artigo aponta para a força popular no enfrentamento de obstáculos reais, tanto as hierarquias sociais quanto as distâncias existentes entre os pontos da cidade onde agiram os insurgentes. Examina como o quebra-quebra foi percebido em termos raciais e não teve sua paternidade reivindicada por nenhuma força operante no movimento revolucionário, talvez porque tenha projetado sobre a antiga capital do Brasil a caraça de malvadezas do bicho-papão da horda negra.
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