There is no single definition of social realism, nor is there a single name - either in Europe or in the world, for the entire propaganda and artistic movement. Technically speaking, the name of ...socialist realism is not widely used in Russia itself, but its role is difficult to overestimate in the birth of the new myth, a new transcultural code that grew nearly 10 years after the October Revolution as a result of the rejection of the constructivist conquest by the political establishment. The article goes back to the search not only of the definition but of the origin of socialist realism, setting out new paths of his cognition. The role of propaganda in the recent history of Russia, is generally underestimated.
O texto analisa as medidas deflagradas após a Revolução Russa para enfrentar o déficit habitacional, os decretos revolucionários e os problemas da fase do “comunismo de guerra”. Posteriormente, os ...impactos na moradia com a NEP (Nova Política Econômica) e, por fim, com os Planos Quinquenais. A possibilidade apontada é que houve propostas e ações revolucionárias de política habitacional, mas a sociedade soviética não conseguiu resolver o problema da moradia popular até a II Guerra Mundial. Utiliza-se a análise histórica. As fontes são os decretos do período da revolução, escritos dos revolucionários, dados oficiais publicados pelos órgãos estatais, relatos de visitantes e materiais de análises sobre a União Soviética.
This study tracks the activities of Hungarian Television’s Executive Committee, elected during the October 1956 revolution, which played a key role in the establishment of said television. The work ...of the Executive Committee included the development of a new television programme policy and structure, as well as the first transmissions of sports events, operas and theatrical performances, the renewal of newscasts and the introduction of entertainment and scientific programmes. It had a long-lasting impact and provided a solid basis for the future operation of Hungarian television.
In this article major mechanisms and different stages of the Bolshevik party’s transformation into a “party-state” are examined. The Communist party has been brought to the surface of political ...life and power by the Russian revolution; the organizational principles of the Party along with its approaches to political process have to a larger extent evolved as results of the revolution. Therefore the system of power which has reached its peak during Stalin’s rule has both been the product of continuity as well as change of the Russian political tradition. The Communist ideology has served as main instrument of communication between the authorities and the people. The Party occupied central position in that system of communication; one of the most important tools of the Party’s control over the Soviet society was propaganda. However the process of the communist regime acquiring legitimacy has been rather lengthy; it was completed only by the late 1920s. The basic principles of “unity” within a ruling group were rejected when rivalry for power ended in Stalin’s favor. The central element in the Communist party’s system of power was the ruling elite – nomenclature. During World War II the institution of “party- state” has reached the highest degree of centralization; but on the other hand, the decision-making system was rather flexible and adaptable as compared with the previous period. After the War even within Stalin’s dictatorship the contours of oligarchic “collective leadership” were emerging. N. Khrushchev used the same instrument as Stalin did – control over the Party apparatus – while consolidating his power. One of the important results of Khrushchev’s rule was the institutionalization of the ruling bureaucracy. Maintaining “stability” became the slogan for the new stage of the Communist regime’s evolution. Socio- economic system was getting increasingly complex and less manageable; different hierarchies, including local and industrial elites, have been failing to make timely and correct decisions due to their rigidness and sluggishness. The Party was attempting to compensate those deficiencies, but was less and less capable of doing so. Gorbachev’s “Perestroika” which was based on the idea of democratic socialism has finally ended the rule of the “party-state”. Having lost its internal integrity the system of power has rapidly deteriorated.
The article discusses a flagrant manifestation of post-Soviet Russian policy in specific national context - the policy of oblivion in relation to the October Revolution celebrated on November 7. The ...author shows how the Russian authorities, who declare themselves adherents of democracy, year by year, have been remodelling the entire commemorative system and the national calendar of red-letter dates, trying to squeeze out everything connected with the Soviet past and, in particular, the memory of the October Revolution to the periphery of public values. At the same time, the unfinished de-communization of the country, the inconsistent position of the authorities in the field of political symbolism and political aspects of remembrance, the nostalgic cravings for the Soviet past among a significant part of the Russians, taken all together, did not allow the democratic regime to get rid of the most important annual Soviet holiday - October Revolution Day. This process has been dragging on for many years. In their attempts to pursue the policy of oblivion, the Russian authorities first tried to rename the holiday to the Day of Accord and Reconciliation, giving it a different ideological meaning, and then after another ten years replaced it with a close-to-date, but absolutely meaningless holiday - National Unity Day on November 4. The author believes that the obvious failure to establish a new holiday was mainly connected with the lack of collective memory, personal experience and unofficial biographical recollections of the Russians associated with this date which is also historically incorrect. The article concludes that after October Revolution Day was abolished, the only holiday that remained almost unchanged from the Soviet era is Victory Day. Against the background of serious changes in Russia's foreign policy, this red-letter day has become extremely popular in commemorative practices of the Russian government and is perhaps the only basis for the national memory and national identity of the Russians.
The labour movement in Lebanon: Power on hold narrates
the history of the Lebanese labour movement from the early
twentieth century to today. Bou Khater demonstrates that trade
unionism in the ...country has largely been a failure, for reasons
including state interference, tactical co-optation, and the
strategic use of sectarianism by an oligarchic elite, together with
the structural weakness of a service-based laissez-faire economy.
Drawing on a vast body of Arabic-language primary sources and
difficult-to-access archives, the book's conclusions are
significant not only for trade unionism, but also for new forms of
workers' organisations and social movements in Lebanon and beyond.
The Lebanese case study presented here holds significant
implications for the wider Arab world and for comparative studies
of labour. This authoritative history of the labour movement in
Lebanon is vital reading for scholars of trade unionism, Lebanese
politics, and political economy.
Este artigo reflete sobre a função da música em movimentos populares, em especial para a organização da massa trabalhadora, por meio do Hino da III Internacional, que significou, nos tempos heroicos ...da organização da esquerda brasileira, a palavra de ordem da Revolução Proletária, mesmo após a rejeição de Stálin ao internacionalismo. Nos movimentos operários que se organizaram em partidos que pretendiam uma revolução proletária, a Revolução de Outubro de 1917 tornou-se um modelo a reproduzir no Brasil, conferindo alento às vanguardas operárias e medo às elites nacionais. Nesse ambiente de polarização, certamente desigual, o hino A Internacional tornou-se parte integrante dos rituais revolucionários da esquerda paulista, funcionando como canto de combate nas passeatas e comícios dos trabalhadores. Era um modo de transmitir a ideia do internacionalismo como estratégia fundamental para a tomada de consciência sobre a exploração do trabalho pelo capital, etapa considerada necessária para a instalação posterior de uma ditadura do proletariado.
This article studies housing rents in St. Petersburg from 1880 to 1917, covering an eventful period of Russian and world history. Digitizing over 5000 rental advertisements, we construct a ...state-of-the-art index – the first pre-war and pre-Soviet market data index for any Russian city. In 1915, a rent control and tenant protection policy was introduced in response to soaring prices following the outbreak of WWI. We document official compliance, rising tenure duration, and strongly increased affordability for workers. While the immediate prelude to the October Revolution was indeed characterized by economic turmoil, rent affordability did not dominate.
The essay considers Miroslav Krleža's short story collection Croatian God Mars taking as a starting point the author's anti-militant attitude and political views at the time. Special consideration is ...given to the discursive context of the creation of particular short stories during the World War One on the basis of Krleža's journal The Days of Long Ago, and the way the October revolution is reflected in Krleža's early poetics just before the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. For Krleža, one of the principal causes of the Frist World War is „a blind mechanics of bourgeois colonial and imperialist bloodsheds“ (Krleža 1962: 68). He contrasts it with his utopian-revolutionary notion of „a gigantic cultural construction of international solidarity“ (Krleža 2001: 401). Besides political statements about the revolution at the time, the article further aims to consider the degree at which the motifs in Krleža's anti-war short stories correspond to his utopian projections of Lenin and the October revolution from his journal and essays.
Appeal to this research problem is due to the need for scientific and theoretical analysis of social and political processes occurring in the modern Russian state through the prism of revolutionary ...upheavals of the early 20th century and the increased interest of the scientific and general public to them in connection with the 100th anniversary of the 1917 October Revolution, the subsequent Civil War in a multinational country. In the article the author analyzes the tactics of compromises and alliances of the Bolsheviks on the eve of the October Revolution and the Civil War in Dagestan relying on the principles of objectivity and historicism and on the basis of the reliable factual material, the works of Russian historians. The author highlights regional features of the arrangement and activities of social and political forces in the period of the October Revolution in the province. A small number of Bolshevik organizations in the region and their weak influence on people that forced them to tack actively have been noted. The Bolsheviks widely used the tactics of compromises and alliances with non-proletarian petty-bourgeois and revolutionary-democratic organizations, representatives of the Muslim clergy and other social and political forces. Completing the analysis of the research problem, the author has made a reasoned conclusion about the role and importance of the tactics of compromises and unions of the Bolsheviks in the revolutionary process deepening and establishing Soviet power in a multinational region.
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