El presente artículo tiene el objetivo de investigar la apertura de las fronteras de la URSS al mundo con el propósito de expandir las ideas comunistas, enseñar la experiencia positiva en el camino ...de construcción al socialismo, atraer el apoyo de los sindicatos e inteliguentsia mundiales que simpatizaban a la causa de la Unión Soviética y de la revolución bolchevique, así como fortalecer su posición en la arena internacional y obtener un amplio respaldo en caso de posibles agresiones imperialistas. Con dicho propósito, en 1927 fueron convocados varios eventos en Moscú: la celebración del X aniversario de la Revolución de Octubre y el Congreso de Amigos de la URSS, en los que participaron numerosos representantes de los sindicatos latinoamericanos e intelectuales del Viejo y Nuevo mundos. No obstante, a pesar de los grandes esfuerzos realizados en este ámbito, el trabajo podría reducirse a cenizas por el genio, simpatías y antipatías de algunos de sus organizadores (por ejemplo, de Victorio Codovilla y el "caso de Rafael Greco" iniciado por él). En todo caso, se puede concluir, que la realización del objetivo fue exitosa. Tras las celebraciones en Moscú se inició el trabajo de aproximación de las relaciones de la Comintern y de la URSS con sus correligionarios en el litoral del Océano Pacífico y en América Latina, que culminó con la constitución de la Confederación Sindical Latinoamericana. La importancia y novedad de la presente investigación se destaca en que por primera vez los autores utilizan los datos obtenidos del Archivo Estatal Ruso de Historia Política y Social, cotejándolos con los datos hemerográficos y la bibliografía para informar sobre los pormenores de la preparación de los viajes de los delegados latinoamericanos a Moscú en 1927.
The main result of the revolutions of 1917 was the destruction of the Russian state “machine”. The country was in chaos, as people who came to power, were incompetent in managing such a complex ...mechanism as the state. The destruction of the old world, a mighty power, condemned its people to disasters. The four-year imperialist war and revolutionary movements, a three-year civil war led Russia to political instability, economic decline, lack of workforce in rural areas, death of millions of able-bodied young men, reduction in the population of the country, and the depletion of its gene pool. The poor harvest of 1920, the severe weather conditions of 1921, the appearance of locusts and other crop killers, were the first prerequisites for an unprecedented famine. All this, and above all, the incompetence of the country's leadership, the incompetent food policy of the bolsheviks, their inability to solve the emerging problems, played a major pernicious role in the occurred disaster.
The article discusses the history of the Zaitovs Vyatka merchant dynasty. Using documents of the state and personal archives, the author reconstructs the genealogy of this family, beginning from the ...17th century. A separate set of materials devoted to the analysis of entrepreneurial and social activities of the brothers Ahmad-Shakira and Shigabutdin Zaitovs, who were the most famous representatives of the family. Much attention is paid to the fate of some Zaitovs after the October revolution of 1917 and in the first decade of the Soviet government. Available materials suggest that the Zaitovs were one of the most significant Tatar merchants of the pre-revolutionary Vyatka Governorate. Their example clearly reflects the main trends in the internal life of Russia in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century: the death of class organisation, the evolution of the merchant class towards becoming the bourgeoisie, the beginning of the civil society formation. When the Bolsheviks came to power, those important processes had been interrupted.
The Soviet films set during the October Revolution and the Civil War, over seven decades, underwent numerous transformations: the predominant genre, the artistic school, the representations made ...about the Revolution and the armed conflict that followed. These changes must be primarily found in the very development of the USSR: political, social and economic. Despite the influence of external artistic currents and the internal work of filmmakers, the Soviet system was more sensitive to these forces.
Os filmes soviéticos ambientados durante a Revolução de Outubro e a Guerra Civil, ao longo de sete décadas, passaram por inúmeras transformações: de gênero predominante, de escola artística, das representações feitas sobre a Revolução e o conflito armado que se seguiu. Essas alterações devem ser primordialmente encontradas no próprio desenvolvimento da URSS: político, social e econômico. Apesar da influência de correntes artísticas externas e do trabalho interno de cineastas, o sistema soviético se mostrou mais sensível a essas forças.
The article examines the life of representatives of the Boratynsky noble family in Kazan Governorate in 1917–1918 – A.N. Boratynsky, K.N. Boratynsky, and O.A. Ilyina. Based on the memoirs of O.A. ...Ilyina and K.N. Boratynsky, the feelings, thoughts and living conditions of the nobility are shown; their short biographies are presented before and after the described events. The Boratynsky are of interest because they were one of the most prominent noble families in the time period under stury according to their material, cultural, and social significance. Different types of of the family members’ behavior in this period have been identified: K.N. Boratynsky accepted the revolution, stayed in Russia and continued working in education; O.A. Ilyina and her husband took the new government extremely negatively and ran away from Kazan captured by the Bolsheviks; A.N. Boratynsky perceived the Bolshevik coup negatively as well, however, showed no active resistance trying to instill courage among his family and friends through his example and was subsequently shot. The study presents examples of internal attitudes, which had an impact on the response to the revolutionary events. It is concluded that the clash of noble and peasant type worldviews can be shown on the example of the Boratynsky.
Beginning of Anti-Clerical Terror During the October Revolution Leonov, Sergey
Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svi͡a︡to-Tikhonovskogo gumanitarnogo universiteta. II, Istorii͡a︡, istorii͡a︡ Russkoĭ pravoslavnoĭ t͡s︡erkvi,
12/2016, Letnik:
73, Številka:
6
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The article examines the deployment of anti-clerical terror during the October revolution, it reveals the most important factors, estimated numbers of victims, presented month by month from the end ...of October 1917 till spring 1918; comparative data from the First Russian revolution and the period after February 1917. Conclusion: the magnitude of the anti-clerical terror have been previously underestimated; it began during the October revolution, and even before the approval of the Soviet government momentum, close to a geometric progression; in winter of 1918 in some areas this terror began to acquire the character of mass repressions.
Революция 1917 г. в Туве Dazishen, Vladimir G.
Novye issledovaniâ Tuvy,
12/2017
4
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
В статье на основе архивных документов и публикаций рассмотрены проблемы влияния революции 1917 г. в России на события в Туве.Тува вошла в состав СССР через много лет после победы большевиков и ...создания этого государства в России (в 1944 г.). Однако авторы утверждают, что «советская история» Тувы берет свое начало, как и во всей России, — с революции 1917 г. В отечественной историографии события революции 1917 г. рассматривались через призму Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции. Но революция 1917 г. началась в феврале, и ее ход собственно на территории Танну-Тува Урянхай не вел к установлению Советской власти и победе большевиков. Революционные преобразования в Туве весной-летом 1917 г. носили мирный и конструктивный характер.При поддержке всего русского населения новую власть сформировали представители местной интеллигенции — сторонники партии социалистов-революционеров. К организации новой русской власти были привлечены представители тувинских княжеств. Идеи большевиков, несмотря на наличие среди их сторонников авторитетных местных общественных деятелей, не нашли поддержки местного населения. И в Урянхае не сложилось двоевластия в 1917 г., коммунисты не пришли к власти в регионе после победы их в России.Сложнейшей проблемой революции в регионе было включение тувинской политической организации в систему Российской Республики. Осложнение «Урянхайского вопроса» и развитие тувинского сепаратизма не привели к межнациональным конфликтам или к необходимости использования силы для решения проблем.Ход всех событий революции 1917 г., озвученные идеи всех русских политических сил в регионе указывали на будущее вхождение Тувы в состав Российской республики.Источниками исследования выступили: документы из фондов Архива внешней политики Российской империи в г. Москве, региональных архивохранилищ (Тувы, Новосибирской области, Красноярского края), материалы периодической печати Енисейской губернии.
In the article, on the basis of documentary archival materials, the fate of the Russian generals who were imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress (in St. Petersburg) in 1917 is studied. During the ...revolutionary events (in the spring, after the February Revolution, and in the autumn, after the October Revolution) many people, including the military, were imprisoned. The prison of the Trubetskoy bastion in the Peter and Paul Fortress was one of the main political prisons, therefore some generals were sent there. In March, former military ministers, the district commander, as well as those who were associated with the imperial family were imprisoned. In Summer, one of the participants in the speech of L.G. Kornilov, as well as some monarchists were also imprisoned. The third wave took place in the autumn, when the military ministers of the Provisional Government, the command of the Northern Front and other generals opposed to the Soviet power were detained. In total, in 1917, 15 or 16 generals were in prison fortresses, and they were people of different convictions. Some of them during the civil war found themselves on the side of the Reds, some on the White side, some of them emigrated. Therefore, let us state that the imprisonment in the fortress did not affect their further choice. The study of the documentary materials of the commandant’s office of the Peter and Paul Fortress made it possible to identify the names of those who were imprisoned in it, as well as to find out some details of their conclusion.
The Cold War that shaped the societies of late modernity had penetrated everyday life with constant messages about the nuclear threat and demonstrations of military power. On the one hand, Soviet ...republics such as Lithuania were occupied by the enemy of Western democracies, and the nuclear threat would apply to their territory as well. On the other hand, many people secretly sided with the West. But information about the world behind the Iron Curtain was filtered ideologically. Images of Vietnam War and civil unrest in Western countries were broadcasted by the state controlled media as a counterpoint to the orderly and optimistic Soviet life idealised in chronicles and photographs. This positive image was shown to rest on the victory of the Great Patriotic War as well as October Revolution. Those events were represented by iconic monuments in the public space as well as by memorialization rituals taking place every half-year. Their visual documentation was an important part of Soviet culture. Photo journalists like Ilja Fišeris were assigned to record the parades of May the 1
, the 9
and November the 7
. Art photographers treated such images as a tribute to authorities exchanged for a measure of artistic freedom. But in the 1980s, the memorialization rituals, the monuments and other ideological signs became the focus of “rogue” art photographers and cinematographers: Artūras Barysas-Baras, Vytautas Balčytis, Vitas Luckus, Alfonsas Maldutis, Algirdas Šeškus, Remigijus Pačėsa and Gintaras Zinkevičius. Their ironic and reflective images worked as dislocating counter-memorials against the stale reconstructions of the past. Referring to theories of Svetlana Boym, Verónica Tello and Ariella Azoulay, the paper discusses the complicated relationships between the different memorializations of war, including the absence of the Holocaust in collective memory.
The article reconstructs the key events of Dorothy Thompson’s trip to Russia in 1927. Through establishing the chronology of Thompson’s contacts with other prominent foreigners, who were also invited ...to the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution, the author analyses their mutual influences. An important input to the research was provided by Thompson’s correspondence with Sinclair Lewis. It includes firsthand account of the cultural and political events in Moscow written in a real time mode. By comparing the travelogue and these private letters various discrepancies in factual evidence and personal assessments might be observed. Thus, for instance, in ”The New Russia” Thompson mentions Theodore Dreiser only once while there are numerous references to him in her correspondence. Such variations are particularly important, considering the plagiarism scandal which erupted after the publication of both travelogues. Despite enormous Thompson’s popularity in the USA and Europe her name has never been mentioned in the Soviet press and even more so never been put on a par with the distinguished foreign writers and journalists loyal to the USSR: Walter Duranty, Henri Barbusse, Anna Louise Strong, etc. The reason behind is the political views of Thompson who felt that the Russian communism was more a matter of idealistic enthusiasm rather than of economic revolution.
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