Research summary: Behavioral Theory highlights the crucial role of social comparisons in attention allocation in adaptive aspirations. Yet, both the specification of social reference points and the ...dynamics of attention allocation have received little scholarly examination. We address performance feedback from two social reference points relative to divisions in multidivisional firms: economic reference point and political reference point. Comparing divisional performance with the two reference points can give consistent or inconsistent feedback, which has important consequences for the dynamics of attention allocation in adaptive aspirations. We find consistent feedback leads to more attention to own experience, while inconsistent feedback results in more attention to the social reference point the focal division underperforms. Results reveal that political reference point plays an important role in determining managerial attention allocation. Managerial summary: This article is based on how goal-based performance of divisions relative to both their relevant external market rivals and sister divisions in multidivisional firms influences corporate resource allocation. As a result, various combinations of performance against the two groups of peers drive the reallocation of divisional management attention. We show that specific attention shifts occur on average as a function of the focal division's performance relative to the marketplace performance and that of sister divisions.
This paper contributes to the IB literature by investigating MNEs’ risk mitigation strategies in emerging markets. Drawing on institutional perspectives and March’s theoretical concept of forming a ...‘political coalition’, we propose that risk mitigation cannot be limited to passive compliance and/or demonstrating good corporate behavior, but should extend to collective efforts by building a political coalition and working with key stakeholders to manage potential risk and obtain favorable outcomes in complex institutional environments. In considering MNEs in contemporary China and India, we offer different types of risk mitigation strategies under various institutional contexts and a framework for future research.
The article examines the problem of interaction between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the institutions of Soviet power in Moscow and the Moscow ...region in the first half of 1918. The author introduces new archival documents into scientific circulation, which serve as an important source for studying the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in Moscow government institutions. Using specific examples of ideological and administrative clashes, the author studies the practices of interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs within the framework of a dual-party coalition. The author proves that the interaction of representatives of the two parties in the Moscow authorities included both conflicts between the Bolshevik and the Left socialist revolutionary commissars, and joint state work, which consisted of organizing the management of the territory of Moscow and the Moscow region. Archival documents show that among the Bolsheviks there was no single point of view on the need for the existence of separate Moscow authorities. Representatives of the left communists, as well as the Left socialist revolutionaries, advocated the preservation of independent state institutions in the Moscow region, which created the possibility of an alliance between them and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the active actions of Vladimir Lenin prevented a split among the Moscow Bolsheviks. The emergence of a dual-party system in Soviet state institutions was a unique phenomenon in modern history of Russia, since representatives of the neo-populist socialist party could influence managerial decision-making. This situation led to the “power sharing” between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs, which became a characteristic feature of the “long” revolution of 1917.
The objective of the present study is to review the impact of the challenges of political development on the process of coalition and unification in the foreign policy when there is lack of relative ...agreement among the elites and so the political parties are not institutionalized in society. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the structuration theory was used to show that the challenges of political development in the country not only damage the coalition of parties but also would lead to losing the international opportunities. Islamic Iran’s experience of having differing political orientations and lack of relative agreement among intellectual and political elites in giving a clear definition of national interests has led to the throwback to the past and as a result, a decline in the efficiency of foreign policy. In this regard, paying attention to upstream documents, the constitution, the 20-year perspective, developmental plans, red lines, boosting the culture of political participation, responsibility, institutionalization of parties, coordination among powers, transparency in the definition of national objectives and interests, on the one hand, and overall cognition to the environment, resources, regulations, and international norms and principles, on the other hand, can tremendously decrease the challenges of political development and hence increase the efficiency of Iran’s foreign policy.
In December 2015, the political coalition 'Cambiemos' won the national elections in Argentina, taking the candidate Mauricio Macri to the presidency for a period of four years. One of the recurring ...topics within public opinion during that time was the explicit and public reference to an alleged link between immigration and crime by administration officials of various kinds. Against this background, I propose to specifically address the ways in which the links between immigration and crime were defined in the political discourses implemented during the 'Cambiemos' administration. The article presents different core categories, reconstructed through discourse analysis: (1) 'we need to know who is who'; (2) distinction in the types of immigration that arrive in Argentina; (3) tighter controls on the conditions of entry into the country; and (4) crime and migration. In broader terms, and as the argumentative plotline, each of these core categories relates to the 'Cambiemos' initiatives to manage ethnic and cultural diversity: identify, select, control and criminalise.
The present paper aims to answer the question: Why instability erupted within the political scene of Egypt in context of so called Arab spring revolutions from January 2011 up the coup in June 2013. ...According to Charles Tilly’s social movement theory, the present study claims that those instabilities were results of weak and brittle coalitions which were formed between political groups in Egypt. The study hypothesis was analyzed through the game theory. Muslim brotherhood, Salafi forces, Liberal-Secular forces and Egyptian Army were identified as four main players within the political scene in Egypt according to Tilly’s theory. The relationships between those main political players were analyzed using the game theory concept based on two strategies of “making coalition” or “avoiding coalition”. From the total 17 resulting calculated scenarios (4 players each with two strategies), 12 acceptable scenarios were identified. The results showed that the political situation will tend to move towards stability if the military and secular forces form a coalition. This result can be linked to two after coup periods between 2013 and the present time. Also our findings based on game theory and Nash’s equilibrium theory suggests that Egypt needs a triangle of political forces to prevail the arena in order to achieve a stable situation. Since the weights of stability condition for three tier coalition of brotherhood-secular-army, or salafi-brotherhood-army or secular-brotherhood-Salafi are almost identical, it can be stated that political stability in Egypt is more depending on the number of forces which enter a coalition than the type of players which form the coalition.
This study discusses the impact of post-Islamism in the Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), specifically on tahalluf siyasi (political alliance) with Pakatan Rakyat (People Coalition). Post Islamism is a ...contemporary Islamist school of thought with regard to politics. The characteristics of post-Islamism such as toleration, participation and inclusivism has greatly influenced the modus operandi of the Islamic movement including PAS. Inclusiveness in post-Islamism had motivated PAS in having political coalition with more liberal parties such as Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Democratic Action Party (DAP). Post-Islamism as popularised by Asef Bayat was established on Western knowledge narratives, therefore such study as this should be done in order to recognise its negative impacts. To achieve this objective, the researchers used qualitative method through the process of collecting by scrutinising and analysing related data on the discourse of post-Islamism. The result of the study shows that PAS has been affected by the post-Islamism. The impact of post-Islamism in PAS however shows that PAS did not play dominant role in the Coalition throughout the political alliance. Besides, PAS also compromised a lot with its principles including its Islamic principles. Post-Islamism had also affected PAS in reducing the Muslims vote to PAS because of their support for DAP. This study therefore exposed the negative sides of post-Islamism to Islamic movement. With current development in PAS, it is hoped that this exposure will consult the Islamic movements in critically weighing their support to any kind of ideas particularly from the West.
Based on regime theory and orchestration-intermediary theory on the interaction of international institutions, complemented with a revisionist realist perspective, this article proposes a theoretical ...model to examine the effectiveness of the G20 agenda. The theoretical model consists of weighing up a member state's willingness and capacity to build a political coalition and technical support from relevant intermediary institutions on a G20 agenda, as well as the use of coercion or soft power pressure by the political coalition behind the agenda. Employing a case study approach, the article illustrates the theoretical process by examining (1) the Enhanced Structural Reform Agenda and (2) the green finance agenda at the G20 Hangzhou Summit of 2016. The article concludes that any real progress achieved on the G20 agenda in the post-crisis period requires the presence of all factors in the theoretical model and provides recommendations on improving the G20's effectiveness based on the case studies.
CRISE POLÍTICA E IMPEACHMENT SALLUM JR, BRASILIO
Novos estudos,
07/2016, Letnik:
35, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
RESUMO O artigo reconstitui esquematicamente o processo que levou à crise política que resultou no impeachment de Fernando Collor de Mello, em 1992. Argumenta em favor de uma perspectiva analítica ...que focaliza o processo mesmo de crise, ao invés de tentar explicar os seus resultados por fatores que com eles tiveram correlação, tal como vem fazendo a literatura recente sobre interrupções de mandatos presidenciais na América Latina.
▶ This research examines the exercise of power in government budget setting. ▶ A multi-theoretical framework of power is used. ▶ This study demonstrates a differential exercise of power in coalition ...and minority governments.
This paper addresses a relatively neglected phenomenon in government budget setting – the processes by which budgets are agreed in governments where power is shared (coalitions) or attenuated (minority). These forms of government have been a matter of serious study by political scientists, but not by accountants. This study examines the phenomenon of budget setting in political coalitions and minority governments by drawing on the ideas of negotiated order (Strauss) and circuits of power (Clegg) and focussing on the life of the Scottish Parliament (1999–2009). It offers evidence of stability in the exercise of power in coalition governments and of the fragmentary nature of a negotiated social order in budget setting in minority government. More general observations on government budget setting are also made.
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