En la última década, después de casi medio siglo de abandono, los mercados públicos entran nuevamente en la agenda pública y en los estudios urbanos. Basado en un acercamiento etnográfico, este texto ...propone dos aportes principales a estas nuevas investigaciones: 1) dar cuenta del perfil y heterogeneidad de experiencias de los comerciantes que trabajan en tres mercados públicos de la Ciudad de México; 2) a partir de lo anterior, sugerir algunas líneas de reflexión sobre las desigualdades de las condiciones sociolaborales que se reproducen en el interior de los mercados públicos. Con base en ello, proponemos que, si se tiene un mejor conocimiento de las condiciones laborales y de vida de los comerciantes en los mercados públicos, se puede contribuir al desarrollo de políticas públicas más inclusivas, eficientes y democráticas.
Freidenberg, Flavia y Karolina Gilas (eds.) (2022) La construcción de democracias paritarias en América Latina. Régimen electoral de género, actores críticos y representación descriptiva de las ...mujeres (1990-2022). Ciudad de México: INE/IIJ, UNAM/IIDH.
How will the rise of China and other illiberal regimes affect the behaviour-shaping power of global liberal norms? The paper uses updated dyadic data on ambassadorial appointments to address this ...question. It focuses on the fate of a global liberal norm on gender-balanced representation. It argues that when powerful international partners discount the importance of gender balance, governments become less likely to prioritise gender balance themselves. The pattern of nodding toward partners' norms is particularly pronounced for governments of structurally dependent, poorer countries. We find that the gender-balanced representation norm has eroded in the last five years. In this period, countries like Sweden and Germany have increased their support for global liberal norms, but China has become an increasingly vocal opponent. We also find that countries' international power positions-not their broad cultural value systems (e.g. 'Asian values')-affect partner countries' approaches. We suggest that the pressure for states to prioritise women's political representation will weaken further unless rising powers dramatically reorient their current behaviours.
Women are under-represented in political leadership roles, comprising only a quarter of national parliament members across the world. This is surprising, given women's comparatively high level of ...education and labor force participation. Why has women's political leadership lagged behind other indicators of gender equality? In this study, we revisit the importance of gender attitudes and examine the extent to which they shape women's share of parliament. Prior studies either examine gender attitudes by relying on cross-sectional research designs with small samples or adopt proxy measures that serve as crude indicators of gender ideology. We overcome these limitations by directly measuring gender attitudes from the World Values Survey and European Values Study, while adopting a panel design with a larger sample of countries and a more comprehensive set of controls. Drawing from our dataset of 275 observations across 101 countries during the 1995–2021 period, we find that our attitudinal measure, gender egalitarianism, wipes away most of the observed differences in women's share of parliament between world regions. Moreover, when we add two-way fixed effects, we find that a one-unit increase in a country's gender egalitarianism score is associated with an increase in women's parliament share by about four or five percentage points. Finally, we address concerns about endogeneity by replicating our results using two-stage least squares models with fixed effects. Overall, our findings suggest that gender ideology helps account for the growing success and persistent obstacles faced by women political candidates across the world.
Representation of the Higher Educational and Scientific Institutions in the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament in 1927–1944. The Upper House, what was the second chamber of the Hungarian ...Parliament, was functioning between 1927 and 1944 and followed the image of the Main House (House of Magnets) before 1918, but operated in a more democratic spirit and structure. Besides the aristocrats and the leaders of the church, the representatives of the higher educational and scientific institutions, and economic organizations deserved a place. The study overviews the Upper House representation of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, universities in the capital and in the country, other scientific organizations, and other institutions of higher education, and there is enclosed a list of the representatives of the above mentioned institutions exactly to the day.
Traversing cultural studies and political theory, this paper asks how any representative is to represent a diverse constituency, given that any constituency is necessarily co-instituted—that is, made ...up of—multiple and conflicting bodies and interests. Arguing that the term has suffered from a deficit of enquiry within the theoretical and critical humanities, this article thus aims to re-figure the concept of constituency. The specific understanding of constituency formation within the context of British political system, something especially visible in the wake of the EU referendum and its aftermath, highlights that constituencies are understood within this context through an atomic logic—that is, that each constituency is made up of individual constituents. Thinking with the notion of constituent power allows for a better understanding of the co-instituted nature of constituencies: how and by whom they are co-created. This, in turn, undermines any understanding of political representation as a merely bi-directional practice between representative and constituency. Finally, a close reading of Ghislaine Leung’s CONSTITUTION helps probe further both a bi-directional account of constituency formation and the notion that constituencies are themselves atomically structured, upsetting set theory in the process and allowing us to better apprehend the co-constitutive relationship between constituency and constituent.
Our aim is to provide an account of constitutive rules in terms of (1) the acceptance of regulative norms, and (2) a cognitive process we call “symbolization” (in an altogether different sense from ...what J. R. Searle means by this word). We claim, first, that institutional facts à la Searle boil down to facts concerning the collective acceptance of regulative norms in a given community. This, however, does not exhaust what institutional facts are. There is a residue, symbolization. Symbolization, as we understand it, involves a transfer of cognitive models from one domain to another. We introduce this notion by exploring different sorts of games, taking our cue from games of pretend play. In the context of this exploration, we introduce the idea of the significance—a matter of degree—of symbolization for a given institutional concept. In particular, we claim, symbolization may play, vis‐à‐vis a given institutional concept, a properly constitutive or a merely auxiliary role. We further argue that, in most legal concepts as conceived in our legal culture, symbolization plays a merely auxiliary role. A possible exception is the concept of political representation, at least on some understandings of it.
This article examines representation in the context of minipublics (i.e., deliberative citizen practices). Their organisation affects their deliberative and democratic qualities one of which is ...representation. Although descriptive representation is commonly referred to, this article argues that Michael Saward's claim-making framework is a better understanding of representation to use. It is argued that not only descriptive representation is a result of organisational choices, but also organisers create the missing bond between representatives and the represented by making representative claims.
Political representation theory postulates that technocracy and populism mount a twofold challenge to party democracy, while also standing at odds with each other in the vision of representation they ...advocate. Can these relationships be observed empirically at the level of citizen preferences, and what does this mean for alternative forms of representation? The article investigates technocratic attitudes among citizens following three dimensions—expertise, elitism, and anti‐politics—and, using latent class analysis, identifies citizen groups that follow a technocratic, populist, and party‐democratic profile in nine European democracies. Results show that technocratic attitudes are pervasive and can be meaningfully distinguished from populist attitudes, though important overlaps remain. We investigate differences in demographics and political attitudes among citizen profiles that are relevant to political behavior and conclude by highlighting the role that citizens’ increasing demands for expertise play in driving preferences for alternative types of governance
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