Partisanship in a Social Setting Klar, Samara
American journal of political science,
July 2014, Letnik:
58, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
No factor appears more powerful in explaining how individuals evaluate political information and form political preferences than partisanship. Yet, virtually all work on the effects of partisanship ...on preference formation neglects the crucial role of social settings. In this study, I examine how social settings can fundamentally change the influence of partisanship on preferences. I demonstrate that, in fact, social settings exert an independent influence over preference formation—one that is even larger than the influence of partisan ambivalence. The central implication of these findings is that, going forward, we cannot fully explore how citizens apply their partisanship in evaluating political information without also accounting for the social settings in which individuals find themselves.
Abstract Recent theoretical and quantitative analysis of trade wars is grounded in a relatively narrow treatment of optimal tariff theory and noncooperative Nash equilibria. The lynchpin of this ...approach is the assumption that trade policy makers are rational and have a simple well‐established objective function to optimize. We argue that the preferred specification of this objective function ignores inequality at its peril. We work with a quantitative trade model, introducing a comprehensive tariff‐space grid search new to the literature. This allows us to explicitly check for the presence of multiple Nash outcomes. We show that including income inequality—a primary focus of the earlier literature—as a determinant of social welfare can substantially change noncooperative Nash outcomes. We also show that the optimal tariff of the US falls by half when the social welfare function includes inequality as an objective. Hence, the economic outcomes of actual trade wars may be very different from what recent estimates grounded in optimal tariff theory would suggest.
New green activities in regions tend to build on regional capabilities. This paper makes a first attempt to test the impact of political support for environmental policy at the national and regional ...scales, besides regional capabilities, on the ability of 95 regions in seven European countries to diversify into new green technologies during the period 2000-12. Evidence is found that related capabilities rather than political support in a region are associated with green diversification of regions. However, while political support at the national scale tends to moderate the role of regional capabilities, political support at the regional scale strengthens it.
This study examines key factors that facilitated and hindered creating an enabling environment for the implementation of SEmangaT duniA RemajA/Teen’s Aspirations (SETARA), a comprehensive sexuality ...education (CSE) intervention in schools across three sites in Indonesia.
Data were collected through interviews with teachers, program implementers, and government officials; a review of program documents and monitoring and evaluation data; and a qualitative evaluation with SETARA students.
One of the most important factors for creating an enabling environment for CSE relates to how well the program is introduced to government officials for approval. Findings showed that the relationship between the implementing organization and city government officials was important for obtaining approval, support, and formal agreements on collaboration. Framing the curriculum within local policies and priorities made it easier to communicate to schools, community, and parents. Buy-in from school principals was important for creating a supportive environment. Complexity of the materials, lack of time to prepare and implement sessions, and teacher-level factors such as pedagogical skills and misaligned values remain key challenges despite trainings.
The study suggests that it is possible to implement and create political support for CSE in conservative contexts, especially with a good introduction of the program. Potential solutions for implementation and scaling barriers may lie in the digitalization of the intervention and of capacity strengthening and technical support for teacher. More research is needed to investigate which content and exercises can effectively be delivered digitally and which should best be delivered by teachers to maintain the effect of breaching the taboo around sexuality.
Parties with left‐wing positions on economic issues and right‐wing (i.e., authoritarian) positions on cultural issues have been historically largely absent from the supply side of the policy space of ...Western European democracies. Yet, many citizens hold such left‐authoritarian issue attitudes. This article addresses the hypotheses that left‐authoritarian citizens are less likely to vote, less satisfied with the democratic process and have lower levels of political trust when there is a left‐authoritarian supply gap. Using data for 14 Western European countries from the European Social Survey 2008 in the main analysis, it is shown that left‐authoritarians are less likely to vote and exhibit lower levels of satisfaction with democracy and political trust. A supplementary analysis of national election studies from Finland before and after the electoral breakthrough of the left‐authoritarian True Finns Party in 2011 indicates that whether left‐authoritarians participate less and believe less in the efficacy of voting is contingent on the presence of a strong left‐authoritarian party. This study illuminates how constrained party supply in a two‐dimensional policy space can affect voter turnout as well as political support, and has broader implications for the potential further rise of left‐authoritarian challenger parties.
Abstract
This study investigates whether partisanship influences the cognitive processing of statements made by President Rodrigo Duterte. It adopts a pre-test/post-test design and involves 254 ...college students from Metro Cebu and Metro Manila Philippines. Findings suggest that partisanship significantly influenced the cognitive processing of statements attributed to President Duterte. Political support was significantly and positively associated with belief. Supporters were more likely to express belief in attributed statements. Even when informed that the statements were false, their political support did not significantly decline. Non-supporters were less likely to believe attributed statements and more likely to change their minds when shown information that the statements were false. "Motivated reasoning" or "expressive responding" may explain these findings but there is not enough data in this study to establish this. The implication is that fact-checking may have a limited impact on changing the minds or diminishing the political support of the strongly partisan.
Summary
Organizations long have been referred to as political arenas which leaders must navigate with skill and savvy. However, investigations of the role of leader political behavior on leader ...effectiveness largely have been avoided, perhaps due to historically negative connotations of organizational politics. Recently, a base of conceptual literature has begun to grow regarding the positive possibilities of organizational politics, including the potential benefits followers may reap from leaders' political support. However, empirical research testing the theoretical tenets of leader political support (LPS) is lacking. Thus, the purpose of this investigation was to advance a more political perspective of leader effectiveness by developing and validating a psychometrically sound measure of LPS. Using a multi‐phase, six‐sample approach, we provide evidence of content validity, internal consistency, convergent validity, discriminatory validity, and criterion‐related validity of our measure of LPS. These findings advance knowledge by demonstrating that leaders' political behavior contributes to their effectiveness across a number of different conceptualizations. Additionally, the validation of the construct facilitates future research on LPS that can further evaluate its importance for leaders and their followers.
Policy debates on strategies to end extremist violence frequently cite poverty as a root cause of support for the perpetrating groups. There is little evidence to support this contention, ...particularly in the Pakistani case. Pakistan's urban poor are more exposed to the negative externalities of militant violence and may in fact be less supportive of the groups. To test these hypotheses we conducted a 6,000-person, nationally representative survey of Pakistanis that measured affect toward four militant organizations. By applying a novel measurement strategy, we mitigate the item nonresponse and social desirability biases that plagued previous studies due to the sensitive nature of militancy. Contrary to expectations, poor Pakistanis dislike militants more than middle-class citizens. This dislike is strongest among the urban poor, particularly those in violent districts, suggesting that exposure to terrorist attacks reduces support for militants. Long-standing arguments tying support for violent organizations to income may require substantial revision.
Abstract
How much do citizens support artificial intelligence (AI) in government and politics at different levels of decision‐making authority and to what extent is this AI support associated with ...citizens’ conceptions of democracy? Using original survey data from Germany, the analysis shows that people are overall sceptical toward using AI in the political realm. The findings suggest that how much citizens endorse democracy as liberal democracy as opposed to several of its disfigurations matters for AI support, but only in high‐level politics. While a stronger commitment to liberal democracy is linked to lower support for AI, the findings contradict the idea that a technocratic notion of democracy lies behind greater acceptance of political AI uses. Acceptance is higher only among those holding reductionist conceptions of democracy which embody the idea that whatever works to accommodate people's views and preferences is fine. Populists, in turn, appear to be against AI in political decision making.
Over the last three decades many Western European social democratic parties have been challenged by populist radical right parties. The growth and success of parties on the right flank of the party ...system represents a triple challenge to the social democrats: they increase the salience of issues traditionally ‘owned’ by the right; they appeal to working-class voters who traditionally support the centre left; and they may facilitate the formation of centre-right governments. This article explores social democratic parties’ strategic options in the face of this challenge, and tests the widespread assumption that the centre-left parties respond by taking a tougher stance on issues related to immigration and integration. Comparative analysis of developments in Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway reveals significant variation in the substance, scope and pace of the strategic responses of their social democratic parties. And it suggests that those responses are influenced not only by the far right but also by the reactions of mainstream centre-right parties and by parties on their left (and liberal) flank. Internal disunity, potential or actual, is also an important factor.
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