Objective/context: This article analyzes the efficiency level of candidate selection methods for presidential elections in Latin America by governing parties, according to the degree of openness and ...internal fractionalization. The guiding hypothesis is that methods with greater openness generate greater internal fractionalization and, consequently, offer worse electoral outcomes; whereas more exclusionary methods generate less fractionalization and better electoral outcomes. Methodology: Twenty-three candidate selection processes for the presidency by ruling parties, and an equal number of presidential elections in Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay between 1990 and 2020, under conditions of electoral integrity, are comparatively reviewed, and the degrees of openness are analyzed based on the proposal of an internal cohesion index and its effects on electoral success. Conclusions: From the cases analyzed, it can be concluded that there is no relationship between the openness of the selection methods and the fractionalization of the parties and electoral success, in this case, of those in government; and that while there is the idea that more internal democracy increases the probability of winning elections, this actually depends on other variables. Originality: The article aims to contribute to the literature on presidential candidate selection processes, particularly of governing parties, since elections are also an evaluation of the government, and the continuity or change is at stake. The selection method has effects on the parties and can define their efficiency or lack thereof in maintaining power.
Objetivo/contexto: en este artículo se analiza el nivel de eficiencia de los métodos de selección de candidaturas para las elecciones presidenciales en América Latina de los partidos en el Gobierno, según el grado de apertura y la fraccionalización interna. La hipótesis guía es que los métodos con mayor apertura generan igualmente mayor fraccionalización interna y, consecuentemente, ofrecen peores resultados electorales; mientras que los métodos más excluyentes generan menor fraccionalización y mejores resultados electorales. Metodología: se revisan comparativamente veintitrés procesos de selección de candidaturas a la presidencia de los partidos en el Gobierno, e igual número de elecciones presidenciales en Argentina, Chile, México y Uruguay entre los años 1990 y 2020, bajo condiciones de integridad electoral, y se analizan los grados de apertura a partir de la propuesta de un índice de cohesión interna y sus efectos sobre el éxito electoral. Conclusiones: a partir de los casos analizados, se puede concluir que no hay una relación entre la apertura de los métodos de selección con la fraccionalización de los partidos y el éxito electoral, en este caso, de aquellos que están en el Gobierno; y que si bien existe la idea de que a más democracia interna hay mayor probabilidad de ganar las elecciones, ello en realidad depende de otras variables. Originalidad: el artículo trata de contribuir a la literatura sobre los procesos de selección de candidaturas presidenciales, en particular de los partidos en el Gobierno, ya que las elecciones son también una evaluación del Gobierno, y se pone en juego la continuidad o el cambio. El método de selección tiene efectos en los partidos y puede definir su eficiencia o no para mantener el poder.
Objetivo/contexto: Este artigo analisa o nível de eficiência dos métodos de seleção de candidatos para as eleições presidenciais na América Latina pelos partidos no governo, de acordo com o grau de abertura e a fragmentação interna. A hipótese orientadora é que métodos com maior abertura geram maior fragmentação interna e, consequentemente, oferecem piores resultados eleitorais; enquanto métodos mais exclusivos geram menos fragmentação e melhores resultados eleitorais. Metodologia: Vinte e três processos de seleção de candidatos à presidência por partidos no governo, e igual número de eleições presidenciais na Argentina, Chile, México e Uruguai entre 1990 e 2020, sob condições de integridade eleitoral, são revisados comparativamente, e os graus de abertura são analisados com base na proposta de um índice de coesão interna e seus efeitos no sucesso eleitoral. Conclusões: Dos casos analisados, pode-se concluir que não existe uma relação entre a abertura dos métodos de seleção e a fragmentação dos partidos e o sucesso eleitoral, neste caso, daqueles no governo; e que, embora exista a ideia de que mais democracia interna aumenta a probabilidade de ganhar eleições, isso na verdade depende de outras variáveis. Originalidade: O artigo visa contribuir para a literatura sobre os processos de seleção de candidatos presidenciais, particularmente dos partidos no governo, uma vez que as eleições também são uma avaliação do governo, e está em jogo a continuidade ou a mudança. O método de seleção tem efeitos nos partidos e pode definir sua eficiência ou falta dela em manter o poder.
Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and ...institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.
Este artigo tem como objetivo refletir as mudanças no sistema de educação formal brasileiro. Foi utilizada como ponto de partida para a análise bibliográfica uma citação da obra A educação para além ...do capital, do filósofo húngaro István Mészáros, na qual este cita um modelo educacional arcaico sugerido pelo filósofo iluminista inglês John Locke para as classes populares. Dessa maneira, foram discutidos os processos educacionais acríticos, de caráter alienador, e os processos educacionais críticos, de caráter formador e seu antagonismo aos modelos pedagógicos vocacionais, modernizados ao longo da história, mas sempre dentro da mesma lógica de reprodução de desigualdades do sistema capitalista. Ao final, o modelo acrítico e seu desdobramento são contextualizados na Lei Nº 13.415, de 16 de fevereiro de 2017, do Novo Ensino Médio, bem como a articulação dos principais agentes de interesse nessa Lei.
Abstract Studies have repeatedly documented the cost of ruling : governing parties generally suffer electoral defeats. We approach this empirical law of political science from the perspective of ...another empirical law: the incumbency bonus , the fact that incumbents get more media attention than the opposition. Our claim is that the bonus constitutes an electoral liability because it reflects the critical approach of media to government power. News featuring incumbents is therefore associated with a more negative tone than news featuring the opposition. This incumbency burden in turn affects government support negatively. Empirically, we draw on an extensive news corpus covering four European countries over two decades, combined with monthly poll data. Analyses show that the incumbency burden in political news is an empirical reality, and that variations in the burden contribute substantially to predictions of government support. Finally, the negative burden effect is stronger for single‐party cabinets, but stable throughout government tenure.
Medical populism Lasco, Gideon; Curato, Nicole
Social science & medicine (1982),
January 2019, 2019-01-00, 20190101, Letnik:
221
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Medical emergencies are staple features of today's 24/7 culture of breaking news. As politics becomes increasingly stylised, audiences fragmented, and established knowledge claims contested, health ...crises have become even more vulnerable to politicisation. We offer the vocabulary of medical populism to make sense of this phenomenon. We define medical populism as a political style based on performances of public health crises that pit ‘the people’ against ‘the establishment.’ While some health emergencies lead to technocratic responses that soothe anxieties of a panicked public, medical populism thrives by politicising, simplifying, and spectacularising complex public health issues.
To demonstrate the concept's analytical value, we offer four illustrative examples. Thabo Mbeki's HIV denialism and the Philippines' vaccination scandal are examples of the populist logic of forging vertical divisions between the people and the establishment (e.g. the West, big pharma, medical experts). Meanwhile, the Ebola scare and Southeast Asia's drug wars are examples of horizontal divisions that divide the ‘virtuous people’ against ‘dangerous outsiders’ (e.g. racial minorities, drug addicts) whose ‘threats’ have long been overlooked by out-of-touch members of the political and medical establishment. The article concludes by examining the implications of medical populism to health communication and democratic politics.
•The concept of medical populism is introduced to make sense of health emergencies.•It is a political style that simplifies and dramatizes crisis.•It pits ‘the people’ against ‘the establishment’.•Four illustrative examples of medical populism in practice are presented.•It has implications to health communication and democratic politics.
Abstract
Party system institutionalization (PSI) is regarded as a critical underpinning of democracies, but its role in non‐democratic systems has been understudied. In this paper, we evaluate ...whether the concept has meaningful and perhaps unique implications for the durability of competitive authoritarian regimes. We argue that a modified version of electoral volatility – the most common measure of PSI in democracies – conveys useful information about PSI in competitive authoritarian contexts by signalling the ability of the ruling party to manage the opposition. To this end, we construct an original data set that disaggregates electoral volatility into ruling party seat change and opposition party seat volatility and further divides opposition party volatility into Type‐A and Type‐B volatility. We find robust results that democratization becomes more likely when decreases in the ruling party's seat share coincide with an increase in opposition party Type‐B volatility. This paper demonstrates that the concept of PSI has utility for understanding regime dynamics in competitive authoritarian contexts.
Abstract In this work, a modified Ronchi tester with a double light source has been implemented for evaluating and minimizing the rotation angle of the Ronchi ruling. The ruling rotations produced by ...positioning errors can become very small and could be going unnoticed (0.1°), however we have demonstrated that for these angle sizes the aberrations in the wavefront can not be completely neglicted. Accordingly with a rotatory mechanical device for correctioning the Ronchi ruling has been also added with this proposals. With our aim, in spite of non-straight shape that the ronchigrams can present in the patterns, the process of the ruling rotation degree measuring has hurled some experimental results when three concave mirrors: a concave spherical mirror, a concave parabolic mirror (the primary mirror of a Newtonian telescope) and a spherical concave mirror (the primary mirror of a Maksutov-Cassegrain telescope) have been tested.
A tanulmány a francia monarchiák bukásának közjogi eseményeit tárgyalja. Elsőként a francia alkotmányos monarchia 1792-es bukását és az első köztársaság létrejöttét; majd Lajos Fülöp 1830-tól 1848-ig ...fennálló királyságának 1848-as bukását és a második köztársaság létrejöttét; végül III. Napóleon császárságának bukását és a harmadik köztársaság létrejöttét elemzi.
Luqatah (lost and found) is a property such as cash money, jewelleries, accessories, etc found in a place which is not owned by anyone, not guarded and the person who found it does not know the ...owner. Luqathah is one of the issues that are often found in daily life. This, most likely due to negligence on the side of the property’s owner. This study was conducted to find out the extent of understanding and awareness of USIM’s students on the concept of luqatah, especially when they find the dropped items and what they should do. This study used qualitative methods as well as quantitative one that aim to explain the object of study, based on direct observation, experience that aims to produce figures and measurable. The study found that hukum of returning dropped items in Islam is strongly recommended and required to take good care of them. Only 48.3 percent out of 118 respondents were knowledgeable about the meaning of luqatah. 44.1 percent out of 118 respondents will find out the owner of luqatah properties if they found them dropped. 74.6 percent out of 118 respondents were not well known how to manage the luqatah property.
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