In March 2014, after the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and the establishment of a new, pro-Western government in Ukraine, the Russian Federation annexed the Crimean ...peninsula, until then a part of Ukraine. The act of annexation itself was portrayed differently in European countries, and this paper investigates the media portrayal in Croatia, Hungary and Serbia. Content analysis of articles and media publications from relevant internet portals in the researched countries was used as a research method. According to the results of the analysis of the content, it was observed that the annexation of Crimea in Croatia is presented in accordance with pro-Western policies, in Hungary certain domestic objectivities stand out, while in Serbia pro-Russian positions are mostly noticed in the reporting.
Has Russia turned from “Paul to Saul” with regards to international humanitarian law (IHL)? This book aims to answer this question by contrasting the past and the present. Firstly, it offers a ...comprehensive account of the remarkable Russian contributions to IHL since 1850. Secondly, it analyses Russia’s current approach to IHL, drawing on a wide range of legislation, case law, diplomatic records, and military practice. Finally, the author contrasts the past and the present – not without embedding his findings in the changed context of our time. The book is aimed at international law experts as well as people interested in legal history. Its author is an IHL researcher and practitioner with extensive experience in the post-soviet world.
A discerning analysis of the future effects of climate
change on Russia, the major power most dependent on the fossil fuel
economy. Russia will be one of the countries most affected
by climate ...change. No major power is more economically dependent on
the export of hydrocarbons; at the same time, two-thirds of
Russia's territory lies in the arctic north, where melting
permafrost is already imposing growing damage. Climate change also
brings drought and floods to Russia's south, threatening the
country's agricultural exports. Thane Gustafson predicts that, over
the next thirty years, climate change will leave a dramatic imprint
on Russia. The decline of fossil fuel use is already underway, and
restrictions on hydrocarbons will only tighten, cutting fuel prices
and slashing Russia's export revenues. Yet Russia has no
substitutes for oil and gas revenues. The country is unprepared for
the worldwide transition to renewable energy, as Russian leaders
continue to invest the national wealth in oil and gas while
dismissing the promise of post-carbon technologies. Nor has the
state made efforts to offset the direct damage that climate change
will do inside the country. Optimists point to new
opportunities-higher temperatures could increase agricultural
yields, the melting of arctic ice may open year-round shipping
lanes in the far north, and Russia could become a global
nuclear-energy supplier. But the eventual post-Putin generation of
Russian leaders will nonetheless face enormous handicaps, as their
country finds itself weaker than at any time in the preceding
century. Lucid and thought-provoking, Klimat shows how
climate change is poised to alter the global order, potentially
toppling even great powers from their perches.
Russian Conservatism examines the history of Russian conservative thought from the beginning of the nineteenth century to the present. Robinson charts the contributions made by philosophers, ...politicians, and others during the Imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods. Looking at cultural, political, and social-economic conservatism in Russia, Russian Conservatism demonstrates that such ideas are helpful in interpreting Russia's present as well as its past and will be influential in shaping Russia's future, for better or for worse, in the years to come.
The article examines the activities of the Central Yugoslav Bureau under the Central Committee of the RCP(b) and the Yugoslav Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies in Moscow in the final stage ...of the civil war. According to Soviet and Yugoslav historiography of the socialist period, the Yugoslav communist organizations in 1920–1921 were mainly engaged in helping bring home Yugoslavs - former Austro-Hungarian subjects - who had participated in the civil war on both sides. The documents used in this article make it possible to assert that these organizations did not contribute so much to the repatriation of their nationals, but rather tried to “appropriate” part of the powers of the Bolshevik punitive organs in deciding, at its discretion, who among the Yugoslavs was a “proletarian element” and as such could count on returning, and who, like “all former Serbian and Montenegrin subjects without exception,” was subject to imprisonment in a concentration camp for the purpose of being further held hostage. The institution of hostage emerged within the framework of the “red terror” policy, the starting point of which was the order of the Cheka (a common name for the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission) dated 2 September 1918. As for the Yugoslav hostages, it was obviously impossible to use them to blackmail the “enemies of Soviet power” inside Russia. However, they could come in handy in case of establishing contacts with the authorities of the Kingdom of SHS. The Yugoslav Council had repeatedly sent them appeals to start talks on the fate of the Yugoslavs who ended up in Russia. Both they and other foreign citizens were interned by the Bolsheviks en masse in order to guarantee the immunity of their own emissaries abroad, as well as to exchange for arrested members of the European communist parties. In conclusion, the author offers his vision of the reasons for the closure of these organizations of the Yugoslav communists.
Sigurnosni izazovi Zdilar, Slaven
National security and the future,
01/2023, Letnik:
24, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Odprti dostop
Pojam sigurnosti proširio se izvan okvira vojno političkih odgovora. Postavljena je nova paradigma koja uz pojam sigurnosti usko veže rizike i izazove nastale iz opasnosti kao što su migracije, ...terorizam, epidemije zaraznih bolesti, prirodne i tehnološke nesreće i katastrofe, organizirani kriminal, trgovina drogom, klimatske promjene, kiber sigurnost itd. Novi izazovi zahtijevaju nove sigurnosne politike te sustave koji moraju pružiti sposobnosti ranog upozorenja i preventivnog odgovora na njih. U suvremenim uvjetima sve je više neizvjesnosti i nepredvidljivosti koji utječu na učinkovitost u području sigurnosnog upravljanja. Modeli upravljanja više nisu organizirani samo na kapacitetima države i sustava nacionalne sigurnosti, već se razvijaju platforme partnerstva između države, društva i pojedinaca u svrhu provođenja preventivnih aktivnosti i stvaranja otpornosti društva.
The concept of security has expanded beyond the framework of military-political re-sponses. A new paradigm has been established that closely links the concept of security to the risks and challenges arising from dangers such as migration, terrorism, outbreaks of infectious diseases, natural and technological accidents and disasters, organized crime, drug trafficking, climate change, cyber security, etc. New chal-lenges require new security policies and systems that must provide early warning and preventive response capabilities. In modern day society there is more and more uncertainty and unpre-dictability that affect efficiency in the field of security management. Management models are no longer organized only on the basis of the capacities of the state and the national security system; partnership platforms are being developed between the state, society and individuals for the purpose of implementing preventive activities and creating the resilience of a society.
Druga agresija Rusije na Ukrajinu pokrenuta u veljači 2022., u odnosu na onu iz 2014. pokazuje svu brutalnost ruskog režima I nepoštivanje dogovorenih mehanizama suradnje u procesima upravljanja ...krizama s ciljem izbjegavanja snažnijih sukoba I ratova. Je li potrebno, kao posljedica ove Ruske agresije mijenjati postojeću svjetsku sigurnosnu arhitekturu u potpunosti ili je pak treba nadograditi? S obzirom na hibridnost postojećih i budućih sukoba i ratova, društva i države se trebaju pripremiti na te izazove integriranjem vlastitih sposobnosti na nacionalnoj i međunarodnoj razini. U tom procesu, butnu ulogu ima i zaštita kritičnih infrastruktura. Posebno onih koje se smatraju ključnim kritičnim infrastrukturama.
Russia's second aggression against Ukraine launched in February 2022, compared to the one in 2014, shows all the brutality of the Russian regime and disregard for agreed cooperation mechanisms in crisis management processes with the aim of avoiding stronger conflicts and wars. Is it necessary, as a consequence of this Russian aggression, to change the existing global security architecture completely or should it be upgraded? Considering the hybridity of existing and emerging conflicts and wars, societies and states should be prepared for these challenges by integrating their own capabilities at the national and international level. In this process, the protection of critical infrastructures plays an important role. Especially those that are considered as a key critical infrastructure.
U ovom se članku, na primjeru odnosa prema Oktobarskoj revoluciji, analiziraju stranačke politike povijesti u današnjoj Rusiji. Najprije će se prikazati službena Putinova politika povijesti, odnosno ...politika povijesti Jedinstvene Rusije, zatim sovjetsko-nostalgična pozicija Komunističke stranke Ruske Federacije te napokon imperijalno-konzervativna interpretacija Aleksandra Solženjicina, Ruske pravoslavne crkve i radikalno-desne Liberalno-demokratske stranke Rusije. Analiza je pokazala da se raspadom Sovjetskog Saveza raspao i njegov utemeljiteljski mit - Oktobarska revolucija više nema tu funkciju, nego se tumači s obzirom na stranačku politiku. Politika povijesti Putinove Jedinstvene Rusije utemeljena je na ideji nacionalnog pomirenja, pa carističku i boljševičku povijest tumači kao izraz ruskog patriotizma. Prema toj interpretaciji, i crveni i bijeli bili su patrioti koji su nastojali izgraditi snažnu rusku državu. Komunističko, sovjetsko-nostalgično tumačenje naglašava da se pobjeda SSSR-a u Drugome svjetskom ratu može zahvaliti političkom poretku oblikovanom Oktobarskom revolucijom. U imperijalno-konzervativnom tumačenju Oktobarska revolucija je pak najveća duhovna katastrofa u ruskoj povijesti, kojom je srušena Rusija i njezin duhovni temelj, pravoslavlje. Analiza je pokazala da je Oktobarska revolucija u ruskoj javnosti postala sporedan dogaðaj koji slave isključivo komunisti. Putinova politika povijesti oblikovala je novi utemeljiteljski mit ruske države, pobjedu u Drugome svjetskom ratu.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
PDF
