U ožujku 2014., nakon svrgavanja proruske vlade Viktora Janukoviča i uspostavljanja nove, prozapadne vlade u Ukrajini, Rusija je anektirala poluotok Krim koji je do tada bio u sastavu Ukrajine. Sam ...čin aneksije prikazivan je različito u europskim državama, a ovaj rad istražuje medijski prikaz u Hrvatskoj, Mađarskoj i Srbiji. Kao istraživačka metoda korištena je analiza sadržaja članaka i medijskih objava s relevantnih internetskih portala u istraživanim državama. Prema rezultatima analize sadržaja uočeno je kako se aneksija Krima u Hrvatskoj prikazuje sukladno prozapadnim politikama, u Mađarskoj se ističu određene domaće objektivnosti, dok je najviše proruskih stavova u izvješćivanju zamijećeno u Srbiji.
In March 2014, after the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and the establishment of a new, pro-Western government in Ukraine, the Russian Federation annexed the Crimean peninsula, until then a part of Ukraine. The act of annexation itself was portrayed differently in European countries, and this paper investigates the media portrayal in Croatia, Hungary and Serbia. Content analysis of articles and media publications from relevant internet portals in the researched countries was used as a research method. According to the results of the analysis of the content, it was observed that the annexation of Crimea in Croatia is presented in accordance with pro-Western policies, in Hungary certain domestic objectivities stand out, while in Serbia pro-Russian positions are mostly noticed in the reporting.
The book establishes marriage as a pervasive idiom for the construction of collective identity in Syria, which is appropriated by individuals, sects, states and intergovernmental organizations alike. ...Its conclusions are relevant to scholars of Middle East studies, sectarianism, anthropology and politics.”
Istraživanje analizira ubrzanje povijesti kojem prisustvujemo u našem vremenu, a koje je bjelodano s izbijanjem rata u Ukrajini, bivajući u proteklim godinama vidljivo i u nizu drugih događaja i ...kriza, kakvi se u ovako značajnom intenzitetu i frekventnosti nisu događali još od vremena završetka Drugoga svjetskog rata. Razmatrajući rat u Ukrajini i krize koje su mu prethodile osporava se teza historičara Erica Hobsbawma da se »kratko« 20. stoljeće koje je trajalo od Prvoga svjetskog rata »kao doba ekstrema« završilo padom »komunizma« i Berlinskog zida, nakon čega smo ušli u 21. stoljeće. Nasuprot ovoj tezi, kao i nasuprot poznatoj tezi o »kraju povijesti«, rad iznosi tezu da »politički« još uvijek živimo u 20. stoljeću, s obzirom na to da u našem vremenu i dalje postoje napetosti među velikim silama slične onima koje su obilježile i 20. stoljeće i koje općenito obilježavaju moderni svijet od Westfalskog mira u 17. stoljeću naovamo. Ovu općenitu tezu rad obrazlaže promatrajući u najosnovnijim crtama dijalektiku moderne europske i svjetske povijesti i zaključujući da ne samo što »politički« još uvijek živimo u »dugom« 20. stoljeću već još uvijek živimo i u »najdužem« westfalskom klasičnom modernom vijeku koji neprekidno traje tri i pol stoljeća u uvijek istim dijalektičkim proturječjima svjetske politike. Naposljetku, rad razmatra i zada- ću filozofije u vremenu tzv. »ubrzanja povijesti« kakvo je naše te zaključuje kako je filozofija upravo u ovakvim vremenima, hoće li se potvrditi kao znanost, dužna ponuditi jednu svježu i kreativnu »filozofiju povijesti« koja bi objasnila tijek aktualnih međunarodnih događaja.
The paper analyzes the acceleration of the history we are witnessing in our time, which is evident in a series of events and crises that mark the world we live in, especially after the start of the war in Ukraine, which have not occurred in such significant intensity and frequency since the end of the Second World War. Considering these events and crises, the paper discusses the thesis of a historian Eric Hobsbawm that the “short” 20th century that had lasted as “the age of extremes” since the First World War ended with the fall of “communism” and the Berlin Wall, after which we in fact entered the 21st century. Contrary to this thesis and to the well-known thesis on the “end of history”, our paper presents the view that we are still “politically” in the 20th century, because in our time there are similar tensions between the great powers that marked the 20th century and which in general mark the modern world since Westphalian peace in the 17th century. This general thesis is explained by the observation of the most basic lines of the dialectics of modern European and world history. The paper concludes that we are not only “politically” living in the “long” 20th century, but we are still “politically” living in the “longest” classical Westphalian age, which has been lasting for three and a half centuries in the same dialectical contradictions of world politics. Ultimately, the paper also discusses the task of philosophy in the times of the so-called “acceleration of history”, such as ours, and concludes that philosophy as a discipline in these times is obligated to offer, with theoretical creativity, a fresh philosophy of history, explaining in wider perspective a series of actual international occurrences.
In Beau Monde on Empire’s Edge , Mayhill C. Fowler tells the story of the rise and fall of a group of men who created culture both Soviet and Ukrainian. This collective biography showcases new ...aspects of the politics of cultural production in the Soviet Union by focusing on theater and on the multi-ethnic borderlands. Unlike their contemporaries in Moscow or Leningrad, these artists from the regions have been all but forgotten despite the quality of their art. Beau Monde restores the periphery to the center of Soviet culture. Sources in Russian, Ukrainian, Polish, and Yiddish highlight the important multi-ethnic context and the challenges inherent in constructing Ukrainian culture in a place of Ukrainians, Russians, Poles, and Jews. Beau Monde on Empire’s Edge traces the growing overlap between the arts and the state in the early Soviet years, and explains the intertwining of politics and culture in the region today.
Komparativna analiza utvrdila je slicnost tranzicijskih demografskih procesa u Ukrajini i Hrvatskoj kao posljedicu specificnih povijesnih, drustvenih i ekonomskih uvjeta razvoja u okviru bivsih ...drzavnih zajednica. Razmatranjem posttranzicijskih obiljezja i demografskoga naslijeda potvrdena je i usporedivost suvremenih demografskih obiljezja i procesa u ovim dvjema drzavama. Recentna geopoliticka dogadanja na istoku Europe vezana uz rusku agresiju na Ukrajinu uzrokovala su pojacana, prisilna razmjestanja stanovnistva na ukrajinskom i europskom prostoru u kontekstu prognanickih i izbjeglickih kretanja. Pritom su definirana glavna izvorista migracijskih valova, smjerovi i intenzitet pojedinih oblika prisilnih (ratnih) migracija na teritoriju Ukrajine i izvan njega. Osim povecane prostorne pokretljivosti stanovnistva (unutarnje i vanjske) i izravnih demografskih gubitaka, ostale demo-grafske posljedice vidjet ce se s odgodenim efektom, a nakon zavrsetka rata i stabilizacije prilika u Ukrajini. Kljucne rijeci: Hrvatska, izbjeglice, prisilne migracije, prognanici, tranzicija, Ukrajina
Tijekom 2018. i 2019. godine crkvene su se prilike u ukrajinskom ravoslavlju bitno promijenile. Uz znatnu pomoć tadašnje ukrajinske vlade, Carigradska patrijaršija jednostrano je proglasila tek ...stvorenu “Pravoslavnu Crkvu Ukrajine” (PCU) autokefalnom, tj. samostalnom. Ruska Pravoslavna Crkva pak smatra Ukrajinu svojim “kanonskim teritorijem” i ne priznaje PCU valjanom, nego je naziva šizmatičnom organizacijom. Reagirajući na proglašenje autokefalnosti PCU, ruska je Crkva prekinula euharistijsko zajedništvo s Carigradom. Postoji čak opasnost šizme koja bi obuhvatila cijelo pravoslavlje, u ovisnosti o tome kako će reagirati druge pravoslavne crkve. Aktualna rasprava posljedica je činjenice da u pravoslavlju ne postoji konsenzus o tome kako jedna Crkva može postati autokefalnom. U pozadini stoje ekleziološki problemi koji nisu riješeni. Pitanje autokefalnosti pravoslavna je tematika, ali i za Katoličku Crkvu i teologiju, posebno u njezinom trenutačnom položaju, važno je razmišljati o odnosu između sinodalnosti i prvenstva.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
The main topic of this article is the influence of the political situation in Slovakia and Ukraine on the identity of the Rusyn minority. The purpose is to clarify if the political situation in these ...countries can influence the identity of these people, and how. First, the Rusyn people and their identity, including the factors that are most influential to identity, are discussed. The author focuses on the phenomena such as culture, religion, and Rusyn organizations and their influence on the Rusyn identity. Is it possible that the political situation can somehow influence this identity through these factors? This article compares the past and current situation of the Rusyn minorities in Slovakia and Ukraine, as well as the different situations in both countries to the other. The methods used during the field research in Slovakia, Ukraine and Poland include interviews and the participant observation.
The eastern edge of Europe has always been in flux. As a result, the nature of the Ukrainian-Russian relationship is both complex and ambiguous. Prompted by the countries' historical and geographical ...entanglement, Volodymyr V. Kravchenko asks what the words "Ukraine" and "Russia" really mean.
Of the hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian women were sentenced to
the Gulag in the 1940s and 1950s, only half survived. In
Survival as Victory , Oksana Kis has produced the first
anthropological ...study of daily life in the Soviet forced labor
camps as experienced by Ukrainian women prisoners. Based on the
written memoirs, autobiographies, and oral histories of over 150
survivors, this book fills a lacuna in the scholarship regarding
Ukrainian experience. Kis details the women's resistance to the
brutality of camp conditions not only through the preservation of
customs and traditions from everyday home life, but also through
the frequent elision of regional and confessional differences.
Following the groundbreaking work of Anne Applebaum's Gulag: A
History (2003), this book is a must-read for anyone interested
in gendered strategies of survival, accommodation, and resistance
to the dehumanizing effects of the Gulag.
From its roots in revolution and war, Ukraine’s Azov movement has grown from a militia of fringe far-right figures and football hooligans fending off Russian-backed forces into a multipronged social ...movement that has become the envy of the global far right. In this first English-language book on the Azov movement, Michael Colborne explains how Azov came to be and continues to exploit Ukraine’s fractured social and political situation—including the only ongoing war on European soil – to build one of the most ambitious and dangerous far-right movements in the world.
PDF
