Government management of fisheries has been little short of disastrous. In many regions, valuable fish stocks have collapsed as a result of overfishing. Ill-conceived regulation also means that every ...year millions of tons of edible fish are thrown back dead into the sea. While an absence of established property rights means that wild fish are vulnerable to overfishing, the problem is greatly exacerbated by large subsidies. State intervention has created significant overcapacity in the industry and undermined the economic feedback mechanisms that help to protect stocks. This short book sets out a range of policy options to improve outcomes. As well as ending counterproductive subsidies, these include community-based management of coastal zones and the introduction of individual transferable quotas. The analysis is particularly relevant to the UK as it begins the process of withdrawal from the European Union. After decades of mismanagement under the Common Fisheries Policy, Brexit represents a major opportunity to adopt an economically rational approach that benefits the fishing industry, taxpayers and consumers.
This Routledge Focus aims to investigate and analyse the United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Communities (EC) and the European Union (EU). Since joining the EC in 1973, the UK has had a ...fraught relationship with the organization, declining closer economic union in the eurozone and, often, arguing against closer political union. While some 67% of the UK’s voters opted to remain in the EC in a referendum held in 1975, by June 2016 a narrow majority favoured leaving the EU. This volume evaluates the UK’s journey into the Union, and examines how the country’s voters came to decide on Brexit, and where the UK’s departure from the EU may lead it.
Julie Smith is Director of the European Centre, POLIS Department, Cambridge University, and Fellow of Robinson College, Cambridge. She is also a member of the United Kingdom House of Lords.
1. Introduction
2. The Origins of European Integration: Emerging Lines of (Dis-)engagement
3. Winning and Losing: money, power and the politics of treaty reform
4. Leaving the People Behind
5. Seeking to reconcile Conservatives and Coalition
6. Cameron’s Three Rs: Reform, renegotiation, referendum
7. Where do we go from here?
Postscript
References
Index
Istraživanje predstavlja pokušaj definiranja osnovnih smjernica politike Velike Britanije prema Veneciji u vremenu obilježenim ratom te države s Osmanskim Carstvom i velikim političkim promjenama na ...Apeninskom poluotoku. U radu su korišteni dokumenti iz Nacionalnog arhiva u Londonu (The National Archives at Kew Gardens, London), u prvom redu izvještaji britanskih poslanika i konzula u Veneciji, koji se nalaze u fondu State Papers, Foreign, Venice, no. 99, fasc. 60 i 61. Analiza djelovanja britanskih poslanika, definiranje njihova statusa i način komunikacije s mletačkim vlastima otkrivaju značaj zahtjeva vlade u Londonu, koje je u određenim slučajevima Senat bio spreman uvažiti ili, ako je to zadiralo u njegovu interesnu sferu, s lakoćom odbiti.
The paper analyses the correspondence between Josip Juraj Strossmayer and Lujo Vojnović (1885-1892). Five letters from this period have been included as an Appendix, with a critical apparatus. The ...remainder of the correspondence, covering the years 1893-1901, with a total of nine letters, will be analysed in Part II, likewise with full transcription. Special attention has been paid to those letters that refer to some crucial international aspects of Croatian politics. Strictly speaking, when it comes to the correspondence from 1885 to 1892, in addition to Vojnović’s letter to Strossmayer of June 5, 1885, which has already been a subject of scholarly analysis, this includes only two other letters: Vojnović’s from July 23, 1892, in which he asked Bishop Strossmayer to support his memorandum in French to the famous British statesman William Ewart Gladstone, in which Vojnović recommended him the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement (1868) as a template for the Home Rule Bill, which Gladstone proposed to the British Parliament in 1886 and 1893; and Strossmayer’s reply to that letter of July 25, 1892, in which, instead of supporting Vojnović’s initiative, he presented a series of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic policy towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and generally towards non-Hungarian peoples in Transleithania, the Hungarian half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1867). In his reply to Vojnović, Strossmayer also presented some racist and pseudo-anthropological objections about the Hungarians, whom he considered unable to overcome feudal social organization and establish modern civil institutions. He attached another letter with the same date to this reply, asking Vojnović to seal it and send it to Gladstone together with his own letter. This second letter likewise contains a number of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic politics. Regarding the scope of Strossmayer’s influence in shaping Gladstone’s critical views on the Hungarians and their policy towards the non-ruling peoples of Transleithania, especially towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom, it should be pointed out that Gladstone, who won his fourth and last electoral mandate in 1892, not only refused to support Strossmayer in his criticism of the Hungarians, but did not even reply to his letter of July 25, 1892. The author of this paper argues that Gladstone did so mainly for pragmatic political reasons, considering that he was otherwise in very cordial and friendly relations with Strossmayer: Great Britain was at that time providing strong support to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as an important balancing factor in European politics, an obstacle to both Russian expansionism towards the West and German progress in the East. Therefore, if it all came down to Gladstone alone, the results of Strossmayer’s efforts to expose Hungary’s repressive policies against the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania in Great Britain would have been insignificant. However, they found an extremely strong resonance with another Briton, likewise very influential: it was Robert William Seton-Watson, who published a fragment of Strossmayer’s sealed letter to Gladstone as an appendix to his book The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy (1911), while in another book, Racial Problems in Hungary (1908), starting not only from Strossmayer’s ideas in this regard, but also from the results of his own research and insights, he informed the European public about the hegemonic policy of the Hungarian political elites towards the non-Hungarian peoples in the Kingdom of Hungary, especially the discriminatory towards the Slovaks, based on strong cultural prejudices. Taking into account that this problem of the Hungarian attitude towards the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania aroused great interest among British historians and journalists, the correspondence between J. J. Strossmayer and L. Vojnović from July 1892 has also been considered in the wider context of Croatian-British and Hungarian-British discussions and confrontations in this regard. As Strossmayer’s racist objections against the Hungarians played an important role therein, this paper focuses particularly on the national stereotypes and racist narratives in the political and scholarly discourse of the time. By analysing several scholarly and journalist publications from the mid-19th century until the end of the first decade of the 20th, the author argues that national stereotypes, including the racist narrative, articulated to support one’s critical hypotheses about other nations, were almost equally present in Croatian and Hungarian, as well as in British authors who dealt with this issue at the time, although, of course, in different proportions. Thus, traces of such discourse can be found even in Seton-Watson, who tried to avoid it in every way and condemned it on principle. This, again, means that Strossmayer’s racist and xenophobic formulations about the Hungarians were in no way an exception, but rather a segment of the racist narrative that was prevalent at the time, spilling over from the public and political into the scholarly domain. In this sense, this paper can be understood as a critical analysis of a communication discourse present in the 19th and early 20th centuries that was inappropriate from an ethical and scholarly points of view, based as it was on quasi-historiographical, pseudo-anthropological, and racist stereotypes, which today would be completely inacceptable, especially in view of the obligation to respect the prescribed ethical norms in scholarly work and public activity.
Velika Britanja je referendumom odlučila napustiti EU. Od prvih ekonomskih združivanja europskih zemalja, pokazivala je interes isključivo za stvaranje liberalnih integracija u kojima bi Britanci ...maskimalno sačuvali svoju autonomnost, odbacujući reciprocitet u bilo kojem smislu. Neadekvatna veličina tržišta prouzročila je nezadovoljavajući gospodarski rast i razvoj, ali i implicirala zahtjevima za članstvom u europskim integracijama. Polupripadnost EU i otvorena sklonost Americi na jednoj strani i stalni rast euroskeptita na drugoj, rezultirala je BEXIT-om odnosno referendumom koji je izrazio negativan stav većine Britanaca prema ostanku u EU, odnosno utvrdio stajalište, desetljećima popularizirano, da je EU projekt protiv interesa naroda i njihovog suvereniteta. Ovaj rad je svojevrsna analiza ponašanja i uloge Velike Britanije u europskim integracijama od prvih europskih združivanja do referendumske odluke Britanaca da napuste EU.
Koncept vojne potrošnje je star koliko i prve stare civilizacije. Vojska je, kao prva i jedina crta obrane,
oduvijek imala veliku ulogu u potrošnji zemalja. Vojna potrošnja se mijenjala kroz povijest ...baš kao i
shvaćanje vojnih snaga koje su predstavljale vojnu silu neke zemlje. Razvojem društva pojavili su se
mnogi drugi prioriteti po pitanju državne potrošnje, no s obzirom na to da je usmjerena na obranu
stanovništva, održavanje mira i očuvanje državnih granica kao primarnih oblika javnog dobra, vojna
potrošnja je zadržala svoj status kroz cjelokupnu povijest čovječanstva.
Globalizirani svijet u kakvom danas živimo je sve to promijenio, posebno kad govorimo o obrani
države od stranih i domaćih prijetnji. Razvoj tehnologije i sama globalizacija su drastično promijenile
koncept ratovanja a time i samu strukturu i razinu vojne potrošnje. Tehnološka razina je jedan od
najboljih pokazatelja razvoja jedne zemlje, no i snage njene vojske. Naravno, vojnu silu je teško
održati bez jednako adekvatne gospodarske sile jer su upravo razvijeno gospodarstvo i jaka industrija
ono što omogućuje razvoj obrambenog potencijala zemlje i njegovo financiranje.
Autor prikazuje historijski razvoj odnosa crkve i države u Velikoj Britaniji od engleskog crkvenog raskola 1534. godine sve do suvremenih promjena. U skladu s pristupom historijskog ...institucionalizma, rad nastoji identificirati ključne prekretnice u odnosima crkve i države, koje su u bitnome određivale stvaranje suvremenog britanskog modela odnosa države i crkve. Budući da se u prikazima odnosa crkve i države u Europi britanski model često simplificirano opisuje kao model “državne crkve”, ovaj rad nastoji prikazati neke od ključnih karakteristika pravno-političkog uređenja odnosa prema crkvama te društvene promjene koje dovode do modifikacija idealtipskog modela “državne crkve”. Pri tome se posebno značajnom čini debata o multikulturnom društvu u Velikoj Britaniji, kao i mogućnosti i ograničenja različitih teorija multikulturalizma. Budući da je britanski model odnosa crkve i države reprezentativan za slične modele u skandinavskim zemljama, vrijednost istraživanja može se proširiti i na europsku razinu pronalaženja jedinstvenog zajedničkog pristupa dijalogu s crkvama, vjerskim zajednicama i zajednicama ateističkih i agnostičkih uvjerenja.
U radu se komparativno istražuje te se daje pregled sustava upravljanja učinkovitošću u četirima europskim zemljama: Velikoj Britaniji (pritom se zasebno analizira Englesku, Škotsku i Wales), ...Austriji, Italiji i Danskoj. U svakoj zemlji opisuje se način mjerenja učinkovitosti na lokalnoj ili središnjoj razini vlasti, temeljne svrhe za koje se informacije dobivene mjerenjem koriste, period kada je sustav uveden i mijenjan, glavno tijelo koje je zaduženo za sustav te stvarni efekti do kojih je sustav doveo. Uz opis i objašnjenje stanja, kategoriziraju se zemlje s obzirom na razvijenost sustava upravljanja učinkovitošću. Uz to, cilj je rada i primjena komparativnih iskustava kako bi se formulirale preporuke za unaprjeđenje upravljanja učinkovitošću u Hrvatskoj, stoga se prikazuje i postojeći sustav upravljanja učinkovitošću u Hrvatskoj.
In order to conduct a comparative analysis of performance management systems in European countries, four countries were selected in addition to Croatia; Great Britain (in which England, Scotland and Wales are examined separately), Austria, Italy and Denmark. The countries belong to different administrative traditions (East-European, Anglo-Saxon, German, Napoleonic and Scandinavian), offering insights into the functioning of the performance management system in each cluster of states. Five elements were analysed: how performance is measured; whether and for what purposes the performance information is being used; the time period in which the performance management system is instituted and when any major changes have occurred; the body responsible for performance management system coordination and implementation; and some real time effects of the performance management system. In addition to describing their own performance management systems, these countries are also categorized according to the Bouckaert and Halligan (2008) categorization. The analysis shows that Great Britain and Denmark have highly developed performance management systems that are evolving towards performance governance, while Austria, Italy and Croatia, although they have instituted performance management systems, their implementation still shows many flows. The predictions seem to indicate that the performance management system in these countries will have to adapt to an existing legalistic tradition in which the procedure is equally important as the output and outcome. These comparative insights are being used to formulate lessons for the improvement of the Croatian system of performance management being developed since 2009, but still with many problems in its implementation.
Fire in the dark Buckler, Sarah (Sal)
2007., 20070515, 2007, 2007-05-15, Letnik:
3
eBook
Anthropologists who are employed to change the worlds they are researching find themselves in a potentially contradictory position. Combining the various roles and expectations involved in working ...with Gypsies and local government at the same time as conducting anthropological research, provides the overall perspective of this study. It is an unusual and effective balance of insightful ethnography and anthropological theory with the perspective of someone employed to carry out applied work. An effective and creative use of metaphor structures the entire work and allows complex ideas to be conveyed in an accessible way. Drawing upon traditional anthropological approaches such as kinship and story telling and engaging with the works of major social theorists such as Weber, Bourdieu and Foucault as well as the work of contemporary anthropologists, this work demonstrates the use of anthropology in understanding changing situations and in deciding how best to manage such situations.
Autor tematizira koncept prezidencijalizacije parlamentarnih demokracija,
koji su u komparativnoj politici najsustavnije razvili Thomas Poguntke i Paul
Webb. Koncept prezidencijalizacije označava ...proces kojim parlamentarni sustavi
postaju sve više predsjednički po svojoj funkcionalnoj logici i političkoj
praksi, bez stvarne promjene formalnoga institucionalnog aranžmana, odnosno
tipa režima. Prvi prezidencijalistički procesi zamijećeni su u britanskoj
politici 1960-ih godina, a analizirani su kroz deskriptivnu raspravu o tome
je li britanska vlada premijerska ili kabinetska. Glavni teorijski takmac koncepta
prezidencijalizacije jest model core executive, koji su početkom 1990-
-ih eksplicirali Dunleavy i Rhodes, a prema kojemu su odnosi među glavnim
akterima unutar izvršne vlasti određeni ovisnošću, a ne dominacijom. Prema
konceptu prezidencijalizacije, parlamentarne sustave karakterizira pomak
od kolektivne prema individualnoj političkoj moći i odgovornosti. Glavni je
akter predsjednik vlade koji dominira nad ostalim akterima zahvaljujući institucionalnim
i osobnim resursima koji su mu na raspolaganju. Prezidencijalizacija
se može istraživati na razinama izvršne vlasti, političkih stranaka i
izbornog procesa.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, ODKLJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
PDF
