Creating Political Legitimacy Rothstein, Bo
The American behavioral scientist (Beverly Hills),
11/2009, Letnik:
53, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
It is often held that the establishment of electoral democracy is key to the creation of political legitimacy. This article challenges this idea and presents an alternative. Many empirical studies ...reveal that electoral democracy has no necessary implications for the establishment of legitimacy. Even in the successful and stable Nordic democracies, there is scant evidence that legitimacy is created on the input side of the political system. For example political legitimacy in the former Yugoslavia broke down not because ethnic groups realized they would become permanent minorities but because the new Croatian state violated citizens’ rights in the exercise of power. Legitimacy turns out to be created, maintained, and destroyed not at the input but at the output side of the political system. Hence, political legitimacy depends at least as much on the quality of government than on the capacity of electoral systems to create effective representation.
Pančevo City Hall, an administration building erected in the city centre, is rarely accentuated in the oeuvre of the Croatian-Yugoslav architect Kazimir Ostrogović, despite the fact that it was the ...first Modernist building in this Vojvodina city. The City Hall emphasizes the spirit of Yugoslavia and the dominant Modernist architecture of the time. Its modern form, mass, structure, materials, constructive and technical details stand out from the ambience, which until then had mostly communicated aesthetic ideas of Viennese and Hungarian Secession. The author turned to Le Corbusier's principles combined with his own style. The building has great technical value and immense social, cultural, aesthetic and historical values. The goal of this article is to explore all its aspects by thoroughly reviewing literature, examining archives and interviewing employees. To date, the values of the building has not been fully recognized by experts, given that it has not been placed under any kind of protection, while changes made over the years led only to devastation.
In this paper I look at the ?oriental controversy? of the neo-folk music in
Serbia, focusing on the changes in the perception of the longstanding
Serbian-Bosnian ensemble Juzni vetar (Southern Wind) ...in the academic
circles, media and various segments of the music industry. The affirmative
attitude towards the performers and music legacy of Juzni vetar, which has
in recent years gradually entered the media from the alternative
(non-commercial) music and art circles, may be observed in the context of
the contemporary globalized music industry which constantly challenges
orientalist assumptions and divisions between East and West. The key turning
point in this process is the newly-embraced understanding of Juzni vetar
(and ?turban-folk? in general) as part of Serbia?s cultural heritage. Using
a representative sample of academic and media comments, in this paper I shed
some light on the shifts in the reception of Juzni vetar primarily as an
indication of the wider changes in the reception of the Ottoman legacy and
contemporary influences of the ?Orient? in the contemporary Serbian culture,
not excluding the wider context of Southeastern Europe.
In their wish to preserve the memory to the compatriots who lost their lives in the Holocaust, the Jewish community in Yugoslavia started erecting monuments to Jewish civil victims and fallen ...soldiers as early as the first few post-WWII years. The Monument to the Fallen Jewish Soldiers and Victims of Fascism put up in the Sephardi cemetery in Belgrade in 1952, potent with artistic and political significance, stood out from the rest of the monuments of the period. It was dedicated to all the Jews from the Socialist Republic of Serbia who lost their lives in the World War II. The purpose of this article is to analyse the competition for the design of the monument by examining the documents from the Archives of the Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade, thus making a contribution to the research of the culture of Holocaust remembrance in the Yugoslav Socialism, but also to show artistic, social and ideological aspirations of the time when, after the Cominform schism, Yugoslavia was at political crossroads. By exploring the symbolism and aesthetic values of this work, the research presented in this paper attempts to enhance the understanding of architect Bogdan Bogdanović's early creative efforts.
Muzeji povezani s događajima Drugog svjetskog rata, narodnooslobodilačkim pokretom, radničkim pokretom i srodnim temama, koje možemo zajednički nazvati muzejima revolucije, ugašeni su raspadom ...socijalističke Jugoslavije. Na hrvatskom prostoru postojalo je sedam specijaliziranih muzeja, četiri muzeja u sklopu spomen-područja, desetak memorijalnih zbirki u sastavu specijaliziranih muzeja i više od stotinu zbirki i stalnih izložbi unutar općih muzeja, instituta, škola i drugih ustanova. Povijest pamti postojanje ovih muzeja kao institucija, no sve se manje pamti izgled njihovih postava, kako stalnih tako i povremenih izložbi, kao i autori tih prostorno-likovnih rješenja. Đuka Kavurić jedan je od ključnih oblikovatelja muzejskih postava muzeja revolucije. U Hrvatskoj je oblikovao najmanje četiri stalna postava - u Muzeju Vis - sjedište Vrhovnog štaba Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i Partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije i Nacionalnog komiteta oslobođenja Jugoslavije, Memorijalnom muzeju Jasenovac, Spomen-muzeju Drugog kongresa Komunističke partije Jugoslavije u Vukovaru te Muzeju radničkog i narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta za Slavoniju i Baranju u Slavonskom Brodu, kao i najmanje dvije povremene izložbe za Muzej revolucije naroda Hrvatske u Zagrebu. Autor je i većeg broja idejnih, neizvedenih projekata. Kavurić nam se kroz svoj opus otkriva kao vješti dizajner izložbenih postava koji je stavljao naglasak na likovno oblikovanje izložbi i koji se aktivno uključivao u sve aspekte njihova nastajanja, stvarajući postave jasne naracije.
The paper is divided into two parts. The first part explains the concept of solidarity and fraternity on a theoretical level, especially in the light of Catholic social teaching. The second part ...analyzes the principles of solidarity and fraternity in Croatian society during the National Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In addition to solving the national question under a specific aspect of brotherhood, this term was understood in the spirit of the communist ideology of brotherhood and unity of the Yugoslav peoples, and the ideology of solidarity was present predominantly in the form of self-governing socialism. The paper, therefore, shows how socialist Yugoslavia had many characteristics of a totalitarian system defined by communist ideology.
Rad je podijeljen na dva dijela. U prvom dijelu objašnjava se na teoretskoj razini, osobito u svjetlu katoličkog socijalnog nauka, pojam solidarnosti i bratstva. U drugom dijelu, analizira se primjena načela solidarnosti i bratstva u hrvatskom društvu u vrijeme Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije i Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije. Osim rješavanja nacionalnog pitanja pod određenim vidom bratstva, ovaj pojam je bio poiman u duhu komunističke ideologije bratstva i jedinstva jugoslavenskih naroda, a ideologija solidarnosti osobito u obliku samoupravnog socijalizma. Rad, stoga, pokazuje kako je Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija imala mnoge oznake totalitarnog sustava koji je bio određen komunističkom ideologijom.
U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969.,
u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih ...previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: „Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?” No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna
i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao
i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te
konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo.
This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and
political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: ‘Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?’ This discussion,
however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s
made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become
apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the
Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which
had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.
U članku je analiziran sovjetski pogled na zbivanja u drugoj najvećoj jugoslavenskoj republici tijekom druge polovine 50-ih i prve polovine 60-ih godina. Uzeta je u obzir situacija u Jugoslaviji i ...međusobni odnosi Beograda i Moskve. Dosad su se povjesničari zanimali prije svega za političku dimenziju međusobnih odnosa i sovjetske ocjene političkoga stanja u Jugoslaviji. Iako su politika i ideologija bile u centru pozornosti sovjetskih diplomata, u članku nisu zanemarena ni kulturna zbivanja u Federativnoj Narodnoj Republici Jugoslaviji (od 1963. Socijalističkoj Federativnoj Republici Jugoslaviji) ni gospodarski položaj zemlje. Ove su dimenzije čvrsto povezivali s političkom sferom te podređivali sovjetskim interesima prema Jugoslaviji.
Članak je utemeljen na izvornoj arhivskoj građi prikupljenoj u Moskvi u Ruskom državnom arhivu novije povijesti (Российский государственный архив новейшей истории), u fondu Odjela za veze s komunističkim i radničkim partijama socijalističkih zemalja, koji je odgovarao za odnose
sa zemljama komunističkoga uređenja. U radu je korištena i relevantna stručna literatura.
The Soviet view of Croatia, as well as the situation in Yugoslavia, resulted from Soviet interests, its efforts to draw Yugoslavia into its orbit of influence. Particular reluctance was evident on the realm of ideology and purported Western influence, the effectiveness of which was
exaggerated in the Soviet documents.
In the political dimension, the Kremlin was interested to which extent directives from the center were implemented at the republican level. The attitudes of local politicians toward the actions of the central authorities were also the matter of interest for Soviets. The fact that Croatia was the second richest republic and its aspiration for
greater decision-making were regarded as negative phenomenon. Discussions about the competencies of the republics were depicted as closely tied to the national question, referring to the difficult experiences of the first half of the 20th century.
In the economic and cultural sphere, there was particular interest in
the possibilities of cooperation and building up one's own influence in
the Croatian SR. Despite the negative perception of many phenomena in Yugoslav culture, where a critical stance toward the USSR was expressed in film, literature, and the press, Moscow believed that through the presence of Soviet culture - often such as music and theater - it would be possible to gradually gain approval of the public sphere. The Kremlin's propaganda, however, was not as effective in Yugoslavia-as it was throughout the world-as it was in the West. The Soviets paid more attention to events in the center of the country, although they did not ignore regional events either.
Dr. Natasha Stamenkovikj offers a comprehensive account of the right to the truth as a right in international law and an element in delivering justice though European governance.
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