V Germaniji ni bilo več nikogar, ki bi ga bilo mogoče še premagati, razen ljudstva Markomanov. Le-to je na spodbudo poveljnika Maroboda zapustilo svoja bivališča, se zateklo v notranje dele in ...naselilo polja obdana s herkinijskimi gozdovi. Nobena naglica ne sme biti vzrok, da tega moža ne omenimo. Marobod, mož plemenitega rodu, močne postave, neustrašnega duha, barbar bolj po rojstvu kot v mišljenju.
The enigmatic collection of imperial vitae ranging from the emperor Hadrian to Carinus, spanning a period of some 170 years, has long been subject to detailed scrutiny. Dubbed Historia Augusta by ...Isaac Casaubon in 1603, this historical document has been recognised to be anything but historical, and therefore hardly deserves to be treated by historians as a viable document – or at least this appears to be the position held by mainstream scholars on the subject. While there are still historians who maintain that the vitae were forged by several different authors, if not exactly six as purported in the work itself, the widespread thesis is that this ‘mockumentary’ was produced by one person only, but there is little agreement on the question when. However, there remain issues which, after careful examination, admonish us that even the well-accepted one-author theory is anything but airtight, one of them being the issue of the sources, their collection and implementation in the actual narrative. Several cited documents, such as letters, senatorial decrees etc., have been proved as forgeries, but the author(s) went out of their way to cloak them in a veil of fake certainty; one such instance is the cited report on the inauguration of Marcus Claudius Tacitus. On the other hand, there are several completely vague references to some Greek book – quidam liber Graecus, which must arouse the reader’s suspicion. While this article does nothing to contest the one-author theory, it raises questions: Why, so late in the work, this change of approach in citing sources? Why not furnish the cited ‘documents’ with fabricated names?
V prispevku sta na kratko predstavljeni vsebina teoretičnega in praktičnega dela učbenika Fundamenta, ohranjenega v frančiškanskem samostanu v Novem mestu, in problematika njegove sedanje zgodovinske ...interpretacije. Poleg problema relativnosti, ki spremlja možnost te interpretacije »skozi« vsaj tri razmeroma različne zgodovinopisne »sisteme« (kot »strokovno legitimne« referenčne okvire v tem času), omenjena problematika vsebuje še vprašanja o nekaterih širših kulturnih in ideoloških vidikih funkcionalnosti t.i. znanstvenega preučevanja zgodovine (glasbe), ki to preučevanje šele družbeno osmišljajo oziroma »objektivizirajo« na ravni simbolnega transferja za – vsaj implicitno – tudi politično-ekonomsko stališče, ki ga vsako posamezno zavzetje pozicije znotraj uveljavljene prakse (glasbenega) zgodovinopisja, z izjavljanjem stališč »v strokovno območje« delovanja te prakse, neizogibno vsebuje.
On the anniversary of the Sarajevo assassination (28 June 1914), the booklet of Dr. Ivan Avguštin Žibert, Der Mord von Sarajevo und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege, provides a good motivation for ...reflection on the causes of this fateful event. Appearing as a facsimile is its third edition, which was self-published in 1919. Although comprising not more than forty-seven pages, it touches on many events and personages connected to the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand. In the introduction to the facsimile of Žibert’s booklet, Prof. Andrej Rahten, PhD, wrote the study “Ozadja in okoliščine nastanka Žibertove teorije zarote” “The backgrounds and circumstances of Žibert’s conspiracy theory”, offering a clear view of the problem concerning the events that unfolded in Sarajevo. Rahten provides a detailed insight into the life of the heir apparent Franz Ferdinand and his morganatic wife Sophie von Hohenberg on the eve of the First World War.
Članek obravnava nekatere pomembne odlomke pri latinsko pišočih krščanskih zgodovinarjih 4. in 5. stoletja, ki se nanašajo na prvega krščanskega rimskega cesarja Konstantina. Avtor ugotavlja, da so ...se že v tem obdobju izoblikovale pomembne razlike v pojmovanju cesarjeve osebe med vzhodnim in zahodnim krščanstvom. Le Rufin je zvesto sledil Evzebijevemu modelu in cesarja prikazal izključno pozitivno. Vsi ostali pisci so bili do njegovega lika bolj zadržani, kar še zlasti velja za Hieronima. Laktancij po drugi strani sicer ni postavljal pod vprašaj nobenega Konstantinovega dejanja, a je svoje bralce zmedel, ko je zelo povzdignil tudi lik njegovega socesarja Licinija.
The aim of the following brief survey is to offer an insight into the debate whether Sallust’s formation of moral categories was influenced by Greek sources or by Roman tradition. In addition to an ...overview of the most important relevant literature, some questions concerning Sallust’s moral concepts are raised as well.
The paper discusses the depiction of anti-Christian measures of Roman emperors in the Roman Empire in some crucial texts of the Latin Christian historiography of the 4th and 5th centuries, especially ...in Lactantius, Orosius and in the Augustine’s City of God. The main point is a comparison between the two most influential models of the persecutions against Christians in the Roman Empire. The first could be traced back to the early Christian apologetics and depicts only those emperors as persecutors who were seen as bad rulers also by pagans. The mentioned theory found its classical form in the Lactantius’ writing How the Persecutors Died. The other paradigm, developed probably by Eusebius, speaks of ten persecutions and lists the “good” emperors as persecutors as well. This theory was given its most influential form by the historian Orosius who also stated that the defeat of the tenth persecution meant the death of the pagan religion and its idols. His version was sharply attacked and refuted by Augustine by insisting that persecutions were a constant constituent of the Church history, an opinion shared also by the Church historian Rufinus. Nevertheless the Orosius’ vision enjoyed extreme popularity in later centuries.
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