Pauline scholars have read ò 'Ioυδαĩoς in Romans as a native-born Jew who stands over and against τὰ ἔθvη ("the nations," or "gentiles"). The ethnonym 'Ioυδαĩoς, however, applied also to proselytes, ...to non-Jews who became Jews. Paul lived in a world in which 'Ioυδαĩoς applied to people Paul did not accept as 'Ioυδαĩoς. In Paul's view, being a 'Ioυδαĩoς is an immutable, genealogical identity unavailable to anyone not born a 'Ioυδαĩoς. In some cases, the 'Ioυδαĩoς in Romans 1-3 is a so-called (or self-styled) "Jew." Paul demonstrates how gentiles' efforts at becoming a Jew (sans scare quotes) nevertheless leaves them closer to the gentile-as-gentile than to the native-born Jew.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
There is a number of ethnonyms, toponyms and hydronyms in the central-northern part of the Iberian Peninsula which have been traditionally accounted for, with varying degrees of reliability, as names ...given by settlers coming from northern Gaul in the third centurybc. Thus, the Suessiones
may have provided the base for the ethnonym Suessetani (Huesca) and the site Suestatio (Araba). They may also have brought the name Corbio mentioned by Livy as a town of the Suessetani. Similarly, the river Nervión, the ethnonym Autrigones,
the divine name Vurovius, the choronym Bureba and its capital Briviesca (in northern Burgos), and some others like the Biscayan site Orobio, have been connected to the migrations of the Nervii mentioned by Caesar and related northern Gaulish peoples. All
these names will be discussed and analysed in conjunction, and two new etymologies will be proposed, within the frame of these migrations, for two place names in Biscay: Mount Gorbeia and Orozko.
Over the last decades, especially in the Slavic countries, onomastic disciplines and their terminologies have significantly improved. Therefore, in ethnonymics – a study of the names of peoples and, ...in a broader sense, the names of the inhabitants of physiographic and/or administrative regions – not only necessary terms, but also terms whose purposefulness is at best debatable, have been introduced. This paper examines whether such terms include the Bulgarian term govoren etnonim and the Anglophone term shibbolethnonym, which denote ethnonyms motivated by some speech characteristic of the community in question. The analysis is performed from the standpoint of Serbian onomastics and etymology using appropriate examples from different varieties of the Serbian language: the standard, rural vernacular, and informal varieties of urban environments (i.e. colloquial style and youth jargon or slang). Examples are classified into shibbolethnonyms ʻproperʼ, with more or less clear motivation reflected in the imitation of phonological, grammatical and/or lexical features in the speech of another ethnic or regional community (Švabenzi infrm. ‘Germans’), and ʻfalseʼ shibbolethnonyms, with blurred motivation or meaning which only describe the speech characteristics of the Other (Nijemci stnd. ‘Germans’). We particularly point to the examples which, in addition to speech characteristics, (re)produce positive stereotypes about the greatest closely related nation (baćuška ‘a Russian man’) and regional communities of the same, Serbian or Croatian people (đetić ‘a man from Montenegro’; prika ‘a man from Slavonia’, rođo ‘a man from Herzegovina’). Finally, based on the number and importance of the presented examples, it is concluded that the introduction of the notion in question is necessary, even if one takes the view that yet another onomastic term, in addition to many already accepted, may appear undesirable.
The purpose of our study is to investigate the current state of research regarding Ius Valachicum in Romanian and foreign historiography. After presenting Romanian history, palaeography and the legal ...history of the Carpatho-Danubian space, we turn to the Polish historiography of the North Vlachs, with respect to the Serbo-Croatian historiography of the South Vlachs. Finally, we use case studies to illustrate two enacted customary laws of the Vlachs from Croatia. The methods used in this paper include description, analysis, and comparison, as well as exploratory and applied research. The article is a historiographical survey of Ius Valachicum among the Romanians and Vlachs. The medieval and premodern consuetudinary laws of the Romanians and Vlachs are reflected both in primary and secondary sources, from 14thcentury historical documents to historiographical preoccupations dedicated to Ius Vlachicum from the 18thand 19th centuries. First, we refer to the special literature explaining both ethnonyms and the historical-geographical spread of the Romanians and Vlachs. Then we present the Romanian historiography investigating the manifestations and features of Ius Valachicum in the geographical area belonging to the present-day Romanian state. Turning to the Czech and Polish historiography, the occurrence of Ius Valachicum is revealed among the North Vlachs from medieval and premodern Poland, Ruthenia, and Hungary. We also review the Serbo-Croatian historiography of the Ius Valachicum specific to the South Vlachs from Croatia and Serbia. Finally, two enacted customary laws of the Vlachs from Croatia (1436, 1630) are analysed from the point of view of legal history. These codifications of Ius Valachicum prove the juridical power and importance acquired by the Croatian Vlachs during the Middle Ages. The historiographical pros and cons, as well as the critical remarks presented at the end of this study, at the same time, offer a few methodological solutions for future investigations of Romanian and Vlach Ius Valachicum.
Dictionaries and text examples are used to analyse the senses of the word чудь in modern Komi and to define the diachronic relationships between those senses. By today, the word has become a ...polysemantic unit, while its original ethnic sense has faded making room for some new ones. Of the latter meanings, the pejorative and the poetic are of particular interest. So the word чудь has come to serve as a poetic synonym for ethnonym komi.
The toponymy of any region contains information about the most important stages in the history of the material and spiritual culture of the people, behind each geographical name there is a historical ...reality. The toponymic system of each language in verbalized form reflects the historical, social, linguistic and ethno-cultural features of the ethnic group. Toponyms can exist on the map for a long time and remain relevant throughout the history of the people. The migration routes of the Nogais in the expanses of Eurasia are marked by toponyms preserved on maps of many historical territories and states, in archives and written monuments, oral folk art, ethnic memory of peoples. Nogai toponyms are scattered – from the Irtysh to the Danube, from Issyk-Kul to the Mediterranean Sea. In the toponymy of Eurasia, a significant trace was left by the eponym Nogai, immortalized in time and space. Geographical names with the name Nogai are recorded in the toponymy of different peoples inhabiting Russia and abroad in the toponymy of Adygea and North Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia, Bashkortostan and Tatarstan, Central Asia. Nogai ethnonyms have been preserved in the names of numerous settlements in Türkiye. The ma- terial given by the author in this article has a huge cultural potential, declares the fact of the cultural and historical value of each geographical name.
Топонимия любого региона содержит сведения о важнейших этапах истории материальной и духовной культуры народа, за каждым географическим названием стоит историческая действительность. Топонимическая система каждого языка в вербализованном виде отражает историко-социальные, языковые и этнокультурные особенности этноса. Топонимы могут существовать на карте достаточно продолжительное время и оставаться актуальными на протяжении истории народа. Миграционные пути ногайцев на просторах Евразии отмечены топонимами, сохранившимися на картах многих исторических территорий и государств, в архивах и письменных памятниках, устном народном творчестве, этнической памяти народов. Ногайские топонимы разбросаны, рассыпаны от Иртыша до Дуная, от Иссык-Куля до Средиземного моря. В топонимии Евразии значительный след оставил эпоним Ногай, увековеченный во времени и пространстве. Географические названия с именем Ногай зафиксированы в топонимии России и за рубежом: в топонимии Адыгеи и Северной Осетии, Кабардино-Балкарии и Карачаево-Черкесии, Башкортостана и Татарстана, Средней Азии. Ногайские этнонимы сохранились в названиях многочисленных поселений Турции. Материал, приведенный автором в настоящей статье, обладает огромным культуроведческим потенциалом, декларирует факт культурно-исторической ценности каждого географического наименования.
•aDNA studies have particular “Ethics, Legal and Social Implications” in South America.•Studies using ethnonyms represented 41%, mostly without any explicit justification.•Ethnonyms used included ...labels related to “colonialist” legacy.•Only 7% of the studies were developed within a collaborative research approach.•Many ethical issues related to customs of scientific communication.
The sudden proliferation in ancient DNA (aDNA) studies has prompted critical thinking on the subject and the development of recommendations that can be framed within the “Ethics, Legal and Social Implications”. The outcomes of these self-reviewing exercises have regional particularities in terms of their application and regulation.
Aiming to contribute to these debates in South America, we focused on examining two aspects of aDNA studies: the use of ethnonyms and the evidence of collaborative research. We compiled 68 articles reporting genetic data from South American archaeological sites. First, we recorded edition and research-related general characteristics. Second, the discourse was analyzed searching for ethical-related issues like the use of ethnonyms, the justification for its usage, and evidences of collaborative approaches.
Many articles included no information on the permits granted for analysis (44%) and the custody of the human remains (49%). Besides, ethnonyms were used in 41% of the studies mostly without any explicit justification. Finally, only 7% of the studies exhibited some evidence of a collaborative approach.
These results help problematize and reflect on the ways of undertaking aDNA studies in the South American context, the limitations of scientific communication, and the social repercussions of these studies.
Abstract
Language users discursively circulate ideologies of identity, especially in stances taken while assigning social characteristics to enregistered personae. Previous research has demonstrated ...that with the Istanbul Greek (IG) diaspora, speakers use the emic terms of
Ellines
and
Romioi
to orient to or away from Mainland Greeks, respectively. In this paper, I discuss how IGs in Turkey relate such ethnonyms to linguistic features and how they rely on enregistered dialectal features to construct their ethnicity as
Romioi
in opposition to
Ellines
. These ethnonyms result in personae that are used stylistically, but in turn fractally (re)create differentiation into separate ethnic categories. Such sociolinguistic processes demonstrate how linguistic variation is socially embedded in a minoritized indigenous speech community. Studying variation in concert with ethnonym use shows how speakers add nuanced meaning to established identity categories and create new ones based on their lived experiences.
αφηρημένο
Το λογοπλαίσιο (discourse) της γλωσσικής επικοινωνίας αποτελεί όχημα διακίνησης ιδεολογιών ταυτότητας ιδίως σε περίπτωση που ορισμένες στάσεις εμπεριέχουν απόδοση κοινωνικών χαρακτηριστικών σε καταχωρισμένα πρόσωπα. Προηγούμενη έρευνα δείχνει ότι οι ελληνόφωνοι εντόπιοι της Κωνσταντινούπολης μεταχειρίζουνται τους ημικούς όρους «Έλληνες» και «Ρωμιοί» χάριν ομοίωσης ή διαφοροποίησής τους από τους Ελλαδίτες αντίστοιχα. Η παρούσα πραγματεία διερευνά πώς οι Κωνσταντινουπολίτες συνδέουνε τέτοια εθνώνυμα με γλωσσικά χαρακτηριστικά και πώς βασίζονται σε καταχωρισμένα διαλεκτικά χαρακτηριστικά για να διαπλάσουνε την εθνότητά τους ως «Ρωμιοί» έναντι της εθνότητας «Έλληνες». Αυτά τα εθνώνυμα καταλήγουνε σε πρόσωπα που χρησιμοποιούνται στιλιστικά, αλλά, διά της τεθλασμένης, διαμορφώνουνε ξεχωριστές εθνικές κατηγορίες. Τέτοιες κοινωνιογλωσσικές διεργασίες καταδεικνύουνε πώς η γλωσσική διαφοροποίηση είναι κοινωνικά ενσωματωμένη σε μια μειονοτική αυτόχθονα κοινότητα. Η μελέτη της παραλλαγής με τη χρήση εθνωνύμων δείχνει πώς οι ομιλητές προσθέτουνε ένα διαφοροποιημένο νόημα σε καθιερωμένες κατηγορίες ταυτότητας και δημιουργούνε νέες με βάση τα βιώματά τους.
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