PHONOLOGISCHE ANMERKUNGEN ZU DEN NORDÖSTLICHEN „VILNAER“ MUNDARTENZusammenfassungDie Aufmerksamkeit des Aufsatzes richtet sich auf eine bislang von Dialektologen nicht gebührend bewertete Eigenart ...des Vokalquantität in den nordöstlichen Mundarten des „Vilnaer“ Gebiets. Daten von Mundarten aus dem Bezirk von Ignalina entsprechen nicht einer im Atlas des Litauischen bestimmten Tendenz, wonach die Mehrzahl der Mundarten des Vilnaer Gebiets sich durch ein Zweilängen-Vokalsystem auszeichne, in welchem lange und kurze Vokale sich unabhängig von ihrer Position ermitteln lassen. Unter Berufung auf vorhandenes Material kann man behaupten, daß ein reines System aus zwei Vokallängen den nordöstlichen Mundarten des Vilnaer Gebiets nicht eigen ist. Dieses gesamte Gebiet spaltet sich in zwei Teile auf: in einen südlichen, für das ein System aus zwei Vokallängen typisch ist, und einen nordöstlichen Teil, in dem ein System aus drei Vokallängen vorherrscht. Diesen Teil machen die Gemeinden von Palūšė, Ceikiniai, Paringys, Mielagėnai, Daugėliškis, Kazitiškis, Rimšė und Dūkštas aus.
U radu se iznose rezultati istraživanja fonološkog sustava Rijeke Voćanske i okolnih mjesta na sjeveru Hrvatskoga zagorja, uz granicu sa slovenskim područjem Haloza. Riječ je o akcenatski ...najkonzervativnijim kajkavskim govorima, koji pripadaju Ivšićevoj skupini I.1. Među ostalim, govor karakterizira specifični razvoj ǫ i uz nazale u vokal tipa a, što ga čini iznimnim među dosad istraženim kajkavskim govorima i povezuje ga s čakavskim govorima buzetskoga područja.
Dugi je Rat novije naselje na obali između Splita i Omiša, nastalo spuštanjem čakavaca sa susjednoga brdskoga prostora, štokavaca iz unutrašnjosti te doseljenjem radnika tvornice cijanamida i karbida ...s raznih strana. Temeljni je sloj čakavski, pa se govor pripaja južnočakavskim kopnenim govorima, kao i govori između Podstrane i Omiša. U članku se podastiru i analiziraju jezične značajke govora Dugoga Rata na fonološkoj ravni dobivenih
za recentnih terenskih istraživanja.
Dugi Rat is a newer settlement on the coast between Split and Omiš created by Čakavian
speakers that descended from the nearby mountain area, Štokavian speakers from
the heartland and also by the workers in the factory of calcium carbide and
calcium cyanide who came from different areas. The base layer is Čakavian so
the local dialect belongs to the South Čakavian dialect, similar to the local
dialects between Podstrana and Omiš. There are some of important phonological
features of the local dialect of Dugi Rat obtained from recent field work:
Ikavian reflex of *ě (likãr, cvȋt, dvȋ) with a few Ekavian forms (sȇno,
zȅnica); the reflex of OCS *ę > a after palatal consonants in several cases
(jàzik, zajãt) and *ę > e after other consonants (gréda, télac); the semivowel
produces the vowel a (dȃn); we find some examples of Čakavian vocalization of
vowels in weak positions (vazẽst); the vocalic l and OCS *ǫ are consistently
changed into the vowel u (tȗst, grȗb); examples like rébac, rẽst and krȅst with
change ra > re, and grȅb with change ro > re; no phoneme ǯ (žȅp); the
existence of ( , ); unstable position of phonemes x (mȋj, bùva, špȁker) and f
(vrȉgat, vùrešt/fùrešt); the phoneme j and as reflexes of primary and secondary
jotation of the dental d (mȅja, mlȁja, , žẽ ); the sequences *st’ and *zd’, as
well as *sk, *zg gave šć ( ), zj/žj (and also ) ( , , grȍzje, ); the *čr
sequence is preserved in few cases ( , ); examples such as dojt(i), dojdemo
turned into dõ , dõ mo; partial change of ĺ into j (pȍĺe/pȍje); change of -m
> -n in final position in grammatical endings and indeclinable words
(lavùrān, sȅdan); Čakavian modification of consonant clusters (kȕška, klȕko);
the consonant l is preserved in the syllable-final position (sȏl, kȉsel, kȏlca)
but not in the singular of masculine nouns in past participle, there are
examples such as zvȃ, kúpija, ùkrea; a five accent system (žerȁva, tovȃr,
mejãš, žìvot, trážit) with a pre-accentual lenght (žālcȗn I jd.), and
postaccentual length (s mȅnūn), but post-accentual lenght is not stable
(gȍlub); lengthening of vowels before sonorant consonants (krȏv, kȏń, sȗnce).
THE DEVELOPMENT OF STRESS IN THE BALTIC LANGUAGES FROM THE PHONOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEWSummaryLithuanian is a language in which not only phonetic ingredients of a sound, but also prosodic features are ...phonologically distinctive. There are found the following prosodic oppositions in it: according to the position of stress, according to the character of stress (falling and rising), and according to the quantity of both stressed and unstressed syllables. Both falling and rising stress can characterize any stressed long syllable. But this is characteristic not of all the Lithuanian dialects. In a considerable part of North-east Lithuania stress is connected in a certain way with quantity: only long and half-long vowels and sonants may be stressed, while short vowels and sonants are regularly unstressed: here we find only one opposition, namely, according to the place of stress. The Žemaičiai (Samogitian) dialect has preserved the opposition according to the quality of stress together with certain distinctions according to the place of stress. The three prosodic oppositions mentioned above are best preserved in the South-west Aukštaičiai dialect, the basis of the Lithuanian national language.Stress in the North-east Aukštaičiai dialects is retracted from the last on to the preceding syllable. The immediate cause of the retraction lies in the tendency to develop quantitative stress. Certain elements of quantitative stress may be found in all the Lithuanian dialects. In the West and South Aukštaičiai dialects the stressed short vowels e, a were lengthened in certain cases and at present they interchange with the unstressed short vowels e, a; cp. vē̃da (he leads) and vedù (I lead), nā̃mas (a house) and namù (with a house), vē̃lnias (a devil) and velniaĩ (devils), kā́lnas (a hill) and kalnaĩ (hills). In all the Aukštaičiai dialects the first or the second element of the stressed diphthongs is lengthened, depending upon intonation or depending upon which of them is stressed; cp. vaĩ.kas (a child) and vaikaĩ (children), vḗlnias (a devil) and velniaĩ (devils). Evidently, the stressed diphthongs begin to differ not according to intonation, but first of all according to the length of the first or the second components. Later the subsystem becomes a basic system.Dynamic stress causes the weakening of unstressed final syllables. Together with the weakening of unstressed syllables the weakening of stressed syllables takes place, which in its turn results in the absence of the lengthening of the stressed short vowel finally, though they are lengthened medially. The lengthening of the final short stressed vowels is never found in all the Lithuanian dialects, though the medial stressed short vowels are regularly or at least in certain positions. The absence of the lengthening of the stressed short vowels at the end of words together with their, lengthening in medial syllables, i.e. actually together with the rise of quantitative stress, has resulted in that not the final short syllable but the preceding long syllable is perceived as stressed. In the more northern dialects similar factors predetermine the retraction of stress even from long final syllables.In the Žemaičiai dialect the subsystem of the phonological word-stress is opposed at present to the subsystem of subphonemic delimitative word-stress whose characteristic feature is its shifting onto the preceding preposition. Synchronically it is impossible to foresee what words will have phonological word-stress and what words will have subphonemic stress, because these two types of stress are not in complementary distribution; ср. Acc. Sg. ãkẹ (eye) and Instr. Sg. àkẹ̀. It is characteristic of subphonemic word-stress that it is realized in the form of a certain phonetic syllable-stress. When a stressed syllable is followed by a long syllable, a certain phonetic syllable-stress is also characteristic of the subsystem of phonological word-stress. In the subsystem of phonological word-stress the stressed syllable has the oppositions of acute and circumflex intonations. In the subsystem of subphonemic word-stress the opposition of intonations is not found, with the exception of those dialects which show a tendency to phonologize phonetic syllable-stress. There may be observed two tendencies in the North and North-west Žemaičiai dialects: a tendency to strengthen the subsystem of phonological word-stress (in the subsystem of subphonemic stress the opposition of intonations develops in stressed syllables) and a tendency to phonologize syllable-stress. Both tendencies lead to phonological word-stress.The development of phonological word-stress in Latvian must have also been connected with the phonologization of syllable-stress.In the Žemaičiai dialect dynamic word-stress combines with musical syllable-stress and with well developed phonetic syllable-stress. Intonations are opposed here as high (acute) — low (circumflex). An attempt is made in the article to discover the possible causes of stress retraction in the Žemaičiai dialect of the Lithuanian language.We may suppose Lithuanian had at one time musical stress. Evidently words with acute syllables were opposed to words with circumflex syllables as words of high tone to words of low tone. Evidently the prehistoric realization of acute as high tone and circumflex as low tone as described above may explain certain differences in the realizations of acute on the form of falling intonation in Lithuanian and in the form of even (rising) intonations in Latvian, Prussian and the Slavonic languages: it may also explain the realization of circumflex in the form of rising intonation in Lithuanian and in the form of falling intonation in Latvian, Prussian and the Slavonic languages.
Vprašanje spola govorcev opisovanih glasov ni bilo izpostavljeno niti v Toporišičevi slovnici (1976-) niti v Slovenskem pravopisu 2001. Raziskovanje samoglasnikov, ki je bilo utemeljeno na ...sistematično spolsko približno enakovredno razporejenem gradivu, se začne šele v 21. stoletju, ko je upoštevanje tako ženskih kot moških govorcev v gradivu jezikoslovni standard in nujnost v fonetično-fonoloških znanstvenih raziskavah. V članku s fonološkega stališča analiziramo tudi F0 (osnovni ton), ki značilno opredeljuje spol govorca.
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