This article reports a project that I carried out with prospective Maltese language teachers in order to give them the opportunity to examine their linguistic landscape (LL), to develop an awareness ...and a curiosity about how languages are used in house names, and to reflect on their own learning. The student-teachers adopted visual ethnography to create a corpus of house names collected from different towns in Malta. They also conducted brief interviews with some of the house owners, kept a reflective journal and adopted a dialogic pedagogy. The student-teachers reflected on their own language knowledge, attitudes, and skills as they examined the meaning of house names. The final part of the project involved the creation of metalinguistic awareness tasks for use in the classroom. As evidenced by extracts from the participants' reflective journals this project yielded useful information about the advantages of observing and analysing language use in the community. The study shows that through metalinguistic activities teachers and learners are able to reflect upon, and interpret some of the ways in which the LL reflects people's creative use of language.
In traditionell dörflichen Kommunikationsgemeinschaften existieren spezielle Systeme zur Unbeteiligtenreferenz auf Personen, die nur innerhalb der dörflichen Ingroup angewendet werden können. Sie ...bestehen aus einem präponierten und oft flektierten Familien- oder Hausnamen und einem nachgestellten Rufnamen, Verwandtschaftsnamen oder einer anderen Personenbezeichnung. Meist treten sie im Niederdeutschen artikellos auf (zum Beispiel Möllers Pitter). Diachron lassen sich komplexe mehrstufige Systeme zur Markierung von In- oder Outsiderstatus ausmachen, in denen zwischen näher und entfernter bekannten Referenzpersonen innerhalb der Kommunikationsgemeinschaft unterschieden wird. So werden näherstehende ReferentInnen mit Rufnamen oder Verwandtschaftsnamen genannt, entferntere mit Berufsbezeichnungen. Nur generational ortsansässigen Personen kommen sogenannte Hausnamen als inoffiziellste Referenzformen zu. Durch die Nutzung dieser Referenzsysteme positionieren SprecherInnen nicht nur Referenzpersonen innerhalb der Ingroup, sondern weisen auch sich selbst als Mitglieder derselben aus. Synchron werden diese Referenzsysteme stark vereinfacht oder sogar parallel zum Rückgang des Niederdeutschen abgebaut. Der Abbau betrifft vor allem die stark mit Dialekt und inoffizieller Kommunikation verknüpften Hausnamen. Auch heute stellt generationsübergreifende Ortsansässigkeit das wichtigste Kriterium zur Verwendung inoffizieller Referenzformen dar.
In rural speech communities, we find specific systems for personal reference used to talk about absent referents. They only apply within one village’s ingroup and consist of the surname or an unofficial family name preceding the first name, a kinship term or other personal reference terms. The surname can show a former genitive suffix and mostly appear without a determiner in Low German (Möllers Karl). Diachronically, complex systems with several levels marking insider or outsider status can be noted distinguishing between well and lesser known referents within the speech community. For well-known referents, kinship terms or first names are used, while for lesser known persons, occupational terms are preferred. House names as the least official form of reference are only given to families living in the speech community for several generations. By using these systems for personal reference, speakers not only position other persons within the speech community’s ingroup, but also establish their own identity as their members. Synchronically, these systems are simplified or even abolished simultaneously with the decrease of Low German varieties. This especially applies to unofficial family names, which are closely tied to dialect. Even today, being established as a local family over several generations forms the most important condition of using unofficial reference terms.
The Shuhi of Muli County, Sichuan province, inhabit the Tibetan-Chinese borderlands. In this paper, we focus on Shuhi kinship practices that accord the house the importance it appears to have for the ...Shuhi themselves. We demonstrate that the Shuhi engage in kinship practices that are ‘hearth-oriented’ (Hsu 1998b: 67–99) in a dynamic process affected by the current political economic changes in reformist China and religious revivalism in Tibet. The ‘hearth-oriented’ kinship practices we discuss include issues of who among the offspring continues to live in the house of their parents, how places of worship in a house are oriented in relation to the physical environment and the divine landscape, and how practices regarding the naming of houses are changing from deictics of place to lineage and family names. Based on empirical data, gathered between 1996–2011, we show that there are significant differences in all practices, which reflect a Tibetan-Chinese gradient along the north-south axis of Shuhi settlements. But there are also striking continuities.
Traditional house names are a part of intangible cultural heritage. In the past, they were an important factor in identifying houses, people, and other structures, but modern social processes are ...decreasing their use. House names preserve the local dialect with its special features, and their motivational interpretation reflects the historical, geographical, biological, and social conditions in the countryside. This article comprehensively examines house names and presents the methods and results of collecting house names as part of various projects in Upper Carniola.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
Investigates the possible influence of Mota, the lingua franca of the Melanesian Mission, which was founded by the Anglican Church in New Zealand to evangelise the peoples of Island Melanesia and was ...headquartered in the southwestern region of Norfolk Island from 1867 to 1920, on the island's cultural history. Focuses specifically on mission place names and house names gathered from documentary sources and collected during fieldwork on the island. Source: National Library of New Zealand Te Puna Matauranga o Aotearoa, licensed by the Department of Internal Affairs for re-use under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 New Zealand Licence.
The information of the counting of souls containing both house names and names of individuals is an essential aspect of historical onomastics.
The first counting of souls in Vidzeme took place in ...1782 and coincided with the 4th analogous census of the provinces of Russia. Subsequently these took place at irregular intervals, the 5th in 1795, the 6th in 1811, the 7th in 1816, the 8th in 1834, the 9th in 1850, and the final, 10th in 1858.
The number of house names entered in the 1826 counting of souls in Vidzeme province (guberna) is 14,500, including those of peasant homes that had been separated from another property whilst retaining the same name. House names based on flora (incl. names of mushrooms) semantics are listed for 574 dwellings, which represent just about 4% of all house names listed for Vidzeme, providing that repeated house names are counted separately. In case of several manors data is missing (lost) for the 1826 census, information for these manors is taken from previous and subsequent censuses.
In many instances (279 cases registered) house names were based on the names of deciduous trees found in their immediate vicinity: such names comprise 48.6% of all house names of flora semantic origin, i. e., ozols ‘oak-tree’, bērzs ‘birch-tree’, kārkls ‘osier’, liepa ‘linden tree’, kļava ‘maple tree’, apses ‘aspen’, osis ‘ash tree’, alksnis ‘alder’, lazda ‘hazel-tree’, vītols ‘willow’, ieva ‘bird cherry’.
Names based on names of conifers are found (35 instances were recorded, or 6.1% of all house names based on flora semantics), i. e., egle ‘spruce tree’, paeglis, kadiķis ‘juniper’, priede ‘pine-tree’.
House names based on names of fruit trees and bushes are only occasionally found in Vidzeme, with 8 recorded instances, or 1.4% of all house names based on flora semantics, i. e., ābele ‘apple tree’, and upene ‘black-currant’.
The next sub-group of house names based on flora semantics comprises those based on names of cereals. This is one of the most widely occurring flora semantics sub-groups and contains 58 entries, or 10,1% of all house names based on flora semantics, i. e., auzas ‘oats’, rudzi ‘rye’, mieži ‘barley’, kvieši ‘wheat’, griķi ‘buckwheat’.
House names have been found based on terms of 6 legumes, which represents 1% of all house names based on flora semantics, i. e., zirnis ‘pea’, pupa, ‘bean’.
Names of common vegetables are the basis for a considerable number of house names. i. e. 53 instances are recorded, representing 9.2% of all house names derived from flora semantics, i. e., rutks, ruduks ‘radish’, kāposts ‘cabbage’, rācenis ‘turnip’, sīpols ‘onion’, ķiploks ‘garlic’, kālis ‘swede’, gurķis ‘cucumber’.
House names also derive from terms of widely-cultivated plants such as kaņepes ‘hemp’, apiņi ‘hops’ and lini ‘flax’. These have been the basis for 40 house names, which represent 7% of all hose names based on flora semantics.
House names are also based on the names of cultivated and wild herbal plants, and of garden weeds. 47 such cases have been recorded, corresponding to 8.2% of all house names based on flora semantics, i. e., dadzis ‘thistle’, āboliņš ‘clover’, and amoliņš ‘sweet clover’, dille ‘dill’, grīslis ‘sedge’, smilga ‘bent grass’, usne ‘creeping thistle’, pienene ‘dandelion’, pērkones ‘charlocks’, niedre ‘reed’, skosta ‘horse-tail’, vībotne ‘mugwart’.
A total of 32 house names based on three flower terms, roze ‘rose’, magone ‘poppy’ and astere ‘aster’ have been recorded; this represents 5.6% of all house names based on flora semantics. The majority (26) of these house names are based on terms of roses.
A number of house names in Vidzeme appear to be based on names of mush¬rooms. 6 such names have been recorded, which represent 1% of all house names based on flora semantics, i. e., bekas ‘boletus’, krimilde, and rudmiese ‘Loctarius’.
House names listed in the 1826 counting of souls are based on a wide range of flora semantics, with a clear preference for lexemes associated with names of trees. It is possible that this reflects landscape elements close to these homes, as well as the place that these features have in the relationship of home owners with nature, and their work. In order to draw any deeper conclusions about the presence of flora semantics in house names it would be necessary to examine all relevant historical records up to the present
Many students living in a college town located in the Midwest of the United States have put up large signs on the houses in which they reside. The signs' messages such as "Hangover Here," "Crammed ...Inn," and "Syc-a-College" create puns drawing on multiple domains of meaning from student or local life, including locations, institutions, and popular film or music titles. This article considers the different meanings and purposes of house signs as envisioned by different groups of residents of named houses in order to explore the contours of agency involved in house sign activity. Interviews with residents of named houses reveal that some groups' interpretive desires are salient to all residents of named houses, regardless of what they understand their house sign to do, while the interpretive desires of others are thwarted. Thus, this article argues that agency is mediated by house sign activity in uneven ways and, more broadly, uses the college house sign phenomenon to shed new light on the ways in which agency is mediated by language.
Names of Dwellings Koopman, Adrian
The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming,
01/2016
Book Chapter
This chapter discusses the names of private dwellings. The function of such names is discussed, with a distinction made between the primary referential or denotative function, and various other ...functions which depend on the intentions of the individual house-owner. Various semantic categories of house names found in the literature are discussed, as are different levels of meaning found in such names. A special section on the functions and meanings of Zulu homestead names is included, with an emphasis on the use of these names to communicate messages aimed at relieving tension and conflict. The chapter ends with a discussion of the relationships between the name of a house, its number in the street, and the signboard which usually gives both name and number.
This paper examines the persistent use of yagō, or house names, in one small agricultural township in northeastern Japan. In Tōwa-chō, yagō help differentiate local households by facilitating for ...families a distinctive identity and a historical continuity that helps them address change. One might have expected modernization to have rendered yagō obsolete. But to the contrary, ethnographic observation in Tōwa-chō reveals that yogō serve a myriad functions that are making their use more popular than ever. By analysing the history, development and contemporary use of yogō in this suburban Iwate prefecture farm community, this paper explains how house names help local residents to contest the anomie and social fragmentation that has become a part of their post-modern lifestyle.
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