V članku so predstavljene ugotovitve raziskav Slovensko javno mnenje, ki so bile izvedene tik pred začetkom epidemije ter v prvem in drugem valu epidemije. V članku nas zanima vpliv percepcije in ...vrednotenja družbenih neenakosti na protestno participacijo državljanov. Bolj konkretno: zanima nas, kako se te zaznave povezujejo z dejanskim položajem posameznikov in kako součinkovanje obojega prispeva k nezadovoljstvu, ki se kaže kot pripravljenost na proteste. Izhajamo iz teorije relativne deprivacije, ki se kaže kot relevantna za pojasnjevanje pojavljanja protestov v kriznih časih. Rezultati raziskave potrjujejo relevantnost teorije še posebej v času krize oziroma nenapovedanega in nenadnega izbruha zamere, ko običajni pojasnjevalni modeli političnega delovanja ne zadoščajo. Izkaže se, da bistven sprožilec kolektivnega ravnanja pri tem ni absolutna stiska, ampak je lahko protestno ravnanje posledica relativne stopnje deprivacije v posamezni družbeni skupini. Pomembna je diskrepanca med specifičnimi in za posamezno socialno skupino legitimnimi pričakovanji (glede norm, življenjskega standarda in družbenega položaja) ter ocenami o tem, ali se bodo ta pričakovanja uresničila.
V prispevku so obravnavane poglavitne spremembe v rekonceptualizacijah javnega mnenja skozi tri temeljna zgodovinska obdobja in v njih prevladujoče paradigme: (1) zgodnje obdobje javnega mnenja kot ...normativne utopije, ki so jo kmalu začele razjedati ekonomske spremembe, ki so spremenile družbeno vlogo tiska, in empirične sociološke analize »latentnih« (dis)funkcij javnega mnenja; (2) obdobje empirične substitucije javnega mnenja z mnenjskimi poizvedbami, oprtimi na kvantitativne metode sistematičnega zbiranja in statistične analize podatkov ter »teorijo prima facie« permanentnega referenduma, ki jo je postavil Gallup; (3) obdobje velikega podatkovja, v katerem sistematično »merjenje mnenj« z zbiranjem podatkov v obliki odgovorov na vprašanja vse bolj nadomešča permanentno avtomatizirano ugotavljanje in napovedovanje mnenjskih in vedenjskih vzorcev posameznikov iz (meta) podatkov, ki jih pretežno nevede generirajo in puščajo v socialnih omrežjih, in v katerem ideje zgodnje normativne kritike družbeno nadzorovalne disfunkcije javnega mnenja aktualizira kritična analiza korporativnih praks panoptičnega podatkovnega nadzorovanja (»dataveillance«). Ključno vprašanje pri tem je, ali pojmi javnost, javno mnenje in javna sfera v dobi »upodatkovljenja javnega mnenja« še (lahko) ohranjajo zgodovinsko kritično družbeno ost.
The second edition of the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, co-edited by two leading scholars in the international relations subfield of public diplomacy, includes 16 more chapters from the ...first. Ten years later, a new global landscape of public diplomacy has taken shape, with major programs in graduate-level public diplomacy studies worldwide.
What separates this handbook from others is its legacy and continuity from the first edition. This first edition line-up was more military-focused than this edition, a nod to the work of Philip M. Taylor, to whom this updated edition is dedicated. This edition includes US content, but all case studies are outside the United States, not only to appeal to a global audience of scholars and practitioners, but also as a way of offering something fresher than the US/UK-centric competition. In Parts 1–4, original contributors are retained, many with revised editions, but new faces emerge. Parts 5 and 6 include 16 global case studies in public diplomacy, expanding the number of contributors by ten. The concluding part of the book includes chapters on digital and corporate public diplomacy, and a signature final chapter on the noosphere and noopolitik as they relate to public diplomacy.
Designed for a broad audience, the Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy is encyclopedic in its range and depth of content, yet is written in an accessible style that will appeal to both undergraduate and postgraduate students.
Socialne pravice migrantk in migrantov so zaradi prepričanja, da ljudje migrirajo ne le z namenom dela, temveč tudi s socialno državo povezanih ugodnosti, regulirane s posebno pozornostjo in ...vključujejo tako denarne dajatve kot storitve. Dostop migrantov do socialnih pravic je odvisen od več dejavnikov, in sicer od obsega socialne države oz. socialnih pravic in dajatev, stopnje odvisnosti pravic od državljanskega statusa, imigracijskih ali integracijskih politik in diskurzov o tujih delavkah in delavcih. V zadnjih desetletjih se politični diskurzi in javno mnenje o upravičenosti migrantk in migrantov do socialnih pravic in dajatev zaostrujejo. Posledice so predvsem restriktivnejše migracijske politike in oteženi pogoji za pridobitev statusa, ki omogoča večjo varnost in stabilnost življenjskih potekov migrantk in migrantov. V članku se osredotočam na učinke, ki jih ima preplet govora o zlorabah pravic s statusi, ki omogočajo dostop do socialnih pravic v EU in Sloveniji.
V besedilu avtorica obravnava percepcije slovenske javnosti o migracijah, integraciji imigrantov ter multikulturnosti. Izhaja iz koncepta integracije kot dvosmernega procesa medkulturne komunikacije, ...v katerem prihaja do nove kvalitete doseganja družbene kohezije. Ocene slovenske javnosti predstavlja v okviru treh migracijskih topik: 1. splošna stališča do migracij in migrantov – migranti kot grožnja ali nujni korektiv trga dela, 2. pozicioniranje Slovenije v sodobnih globaliziranih migracijskih tokovih in 3. integracijske politike kot instrument premikanja notranjih družbenih meja.
This volume investigates the public opinion of the EU in the context of the present economic crisis and other significant challenges currently faced by the Union, the latest being the refugee crisis. ...Scholarly knowledge in the field of EU attitudes in general and Euroscepticism in particular is thoroughly documented here, and is followed by an analysis of public perceptions of the EU's crisis management capabilities, proving that the EU's legitimacy and effectiveness are currently being challenged to the highest degree. The research-based contribution of this book is two-fold, focusing on EU attitudes at a macro-level on one hand, and the opinions of Romanian experts on the other. It provides insights into attitudes towards the EU in Central and Eastern Europe, a region which is still somewhat underexplored by social sciences scholars, and in Romania in particular. On a larger scale, significant differences between clusters of states are identified, suggesting that not even increasing Euroscepticism manages to create a common frame of reference for all Europeans regarding EU-related issues. In terms of Romanian expert opinion, the book provides evidence for a gradual evolution from highly symbolic and sometimes even triumphalist representations of the EU towards mildly critical positions, based on instrumental perceptions. Such changes mark a new stage of Europeanization, in which the EU's presence has become ordinary. For the Eastern European elite, increased familiarity with the EU accommodates demitization and criticism without denouncing European integration as a doomed project.
Trends in subjective health assesment between 1981 and 2011 as an indicator of persistent social inequalities Background: Historically speaking, public health systems were established to guarantee ...every citizen equal access to health care and to separate the issue of an individual's health from issues of material welbeing. Using social science methodology, the study set out to explore how successful the welfare system in Slovenia was in achieving this goal during the last three decades, i.e. to what extent social inequalities in Slovenia are being reproduced as health inequalities. Methods: The study is based on six waves of Slovenian Public Opinion surveys carried out between 1981 and 2011 on representative samples of the adult Slovenian population. The main dependent variable is the respondent's self-assessed health and the main independent variable is his or her socio-economic status. The relationship between them was examined using Chi-square tests and regression analysis. Results: The thirty year trend shows persisting inequalities in health as throughout the entire period, self-assessed health is significantly lower at the bottom of the educational and income scale. The largest differences between social strata are observed in the 30 to 60 age group when labour market pressures are most pronounced. Conclusions: The results indicate that inequalities in health are almost impossible to eliminate as long as their deeper causes lie in social inequality. An additional factor that decreases self-assessed health in Slovenia compared to Western Europe is the low level of trust in people and social institutions, which is the likely reason why the relatively favourable statistical picture of social inequalities is not translated into an equally favourable picture of subjective health. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
Copublished with the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, this study asks if the European Union (EU) has the capacity or the will to counter antisemitism. The desire to ...counter antisemitism was a significant impetus toward the formation of the EU in the twentieth century and now prejudice against Jews threatens to subvert that goal in the twenty-first.The European Union, Antisemitism, and the Politics of Denialoffers an overview of the circumstances that obliged European political institutions to take action against antisemitism and considers the effectiveness of these interventions by considering two seemingly dissimilar EU states, Austria and Sweden.
This examination of the European Union's strategy for countering antisemitism discloses escalating prejudice within the EU in the aftermath of 9/11. R. Amy Elman contends that Europe's political actors have responded to the challenge and provocation of antisemitism with only sporadic rhetoric and inconsistent commitment; this halfhearted strategy for countering anti-Semitism exacerbates skepticism toward EU institutions and their commitment to equality and justice. This exposition of the insipid character of the EU's response simultaneously suggests alternatives that might mitigate the subtle and potentially devastating creep of antisemitism in Europe.
The author offers a new approach insofar as scholarly considerations of the EU's attempts to combat racism rarely focus on antisemitism, while scholarship on antisemitism rarely considers the political context of the European Union.
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