Bu çalışma, Kemalist inkılâp kadrosunun en önemli figürlerinden biri olan Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu’nun, içeriden bir seçkin olarak, inkılâp kadrosu ve yöntemi hakkındaki değerlendirmeleri üzerine ...odaklanmaktadır. Zira Yakup Kadri’nin bu bağlamda ortaya koyduğu eleştiriler, Türk modernleşmesi üzerine yeniden düşünme fırsatısunabilecek derinliktedir. Yakup Kadri, yaygın kanının aksine, inkılâp kadrolarınıyeterince kararlıve idealist bulmaz. O, bu durumu, eski rejimin idare-i maslahatçıbürokratlarının yeni dönemde de sahne almasına bağlar. Yapılan inkılâplarıise daha çok yasalar düzeyinde ve devlet sınırlarıiçinde kalan modernizasyon çalışmalarıolarak niteler. Dolayısıyla bu bakımdan Cumhuriyet, bütün kopuşiddialarına rağmen, Osmanlımodernleşmesinin kimi yönlerini istemeden de olsa sürdürmüşolmaktadır. Ona göre gerçek inkılâp, toplumun iç dinamiklerini harekete geçirecek bir modernleşme planının uygulamaya konulmasıdır. Bu da ancak genişçaplıbir ekonomik kalkınma seferberliği ile gerçekleşebilecektir. Zira Batıbu günkü düzeyine, büyük ölçüde bu ekonomik transformasyon sonucunda ulaşmıştır. Batı’nın ekonomik yapısına has, onun ortaya çıkardığıkurumları taklit ederekbir Batıtoplumu olamaya imkân yoktur. Eğer, toplumsal yapıda köklü değişimi başlatacak projeler devreye sokulmaz ve kurumsal değişimler, toplumsal değişimlerle beslenmezse, modernleşme, ancak yüzeyde kalacak ve eski, kendini bu biçimsellik altında sürdürmeye devam edecektir.
The compatibility of determinism and the ability to do otherwise has been implicitly assumed by many to be irrelevant to the viability of compatibilist responses to the manipulation argument for ...incompatibilism. I argue that this assumption is mistaken. The manipulation argument may be unsound. But even so, the manipulation argument, at the very least, undermines classical compatibilism, the view that free will requires the ability to do otherwise, and having that ability is compatible with determinism. This is because classical compatibilism, in conjunction with any type of reply to the manipulation argument, has counterintuitive implications. In order to avoid such implications, we need not hold that determinism is incompatible with moral responsibility. But we must hold that determinism is incompatible with the ability to do otherwise.
World Health Statistics 2013 contains WHO's annual compilation of health-related data for its 194 Member States and includes a summary of the progress made towards achieving the health-related ...Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and associated targets.This year it also includes highlight summaries on the topics of reducing the gaps between the world's most-advantaged and least-advantaged countries and on current trends in official development assistance (ODA) for health. As in previous years World Health Statistics 2013 has been compiled using publications and databases produced and maintained by WHO technical programmes and regional offices. A number of demographic and socioeconomic statistics have also been derived from databases maintained by a range of other organizations. All the indicators shown have been included on the basis of their relevance to global public health the availability and quality of the data and the reliability and comparability of the resulting estimates. Taken together these indicators provide a comprehensive summary of the current status of national health and health systems in key areas. WHO presents World Health Statistics 2013 as an integral part of its ongoing efforts to provide enhanced access to comparable high-quality statistics on core measures of population health and national health systems. Unless otherwise stated all estimates have been cleared following consultation with Member States and are published here as official WHO figures. The World Health Statistics 2013 CDROM provides access to versions in English French and Spanish.
Bu çalışma, Kemalist inkılâp kadrosunun en önemli figürlerinden biri olan Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu'nun, içeriden bir
seçkin olarak, inkılâp kadrosu ve yöntemi hakkındaki değerlendirmeleri üzerine ...odaklanmaktadır. Zira Yakup Kadri'nin bu
bağlamda ortaya koyduğu eleştiriler, Türk modernleşmesi üzerine yeniden düşünme fırsatı sunabilecek derinliktedir. Yakup Kadri,
yaygın kanının aksine, inkılâp kadrolarını yeterince kararlı ve idealist bulmaz. O, bu durumu, eski rejimin idare-i maslahatçı
bürokratlarının yeni dönemde de sahne almasına bağlar. Yapılan inkılâpları ise daha çok yasalar düzeyinde ve devlet sınırları içinde
kalan modernizasyon çalışmaları olarak niteler. Dolayısıyla bu bakımdan Cumhuriyet, bütün kopuş iddialarına rağmen, Osmanlı
modernleşmesinin kimi yönlerini istemeden de olsa sürdürmüş olmaktadır. Ona göre gerçek inkılâp, toplumun iç dinamiklerini
harekete geçirecek bir modernleşme planının uygulamaya konulmasıdır. Bu da ancak geniş çaplı bir ekonomik kalkınma
seferberliği ile gerçekleşebilecektir. Zira Batı bu günkü düzeyine, büyük ölçüde bu ekonomik transformasyon sonucunda
ulaşmıştır. Batı'nın ekonomik yapısına has, onun ortaya çıkardığı kurumları taklit ederek bir Batı toplumu olamaya imkân yoktur.
Eğer, toplumsal yapıda köklü değişimi başlatacak projeler devreye sokulmaz ve kurumsal değişimler, toplumsal değişimlerle
beslenmezse, modernleşme, ancak yüzeyde kalacak ve eski, kendini bu biçimsellik altında sürdürmeye devam edecektir.
Every founder regime that wants to put pressure on communities to put them in a single pattern creates an ideal period or a
golden era legend. When the excitement at the first few years of revolution cools down and concrete realities make itself apparent,
longing for this golden era raises and this era is dreamt as a period inside of which is fulfill with the handy solutions of common
problems. Moreover, some people, by going a step forward attributes these problems to become distanced from this ideal period
on purpose or as a result of blindness. By explaining basic problems that a society confronts as "deviating from an aim that has
certain limits" Turkey is one of the countries applying for traditional thinking way. In our country, one of golden era legends
which are often consulted is without a doubt early republic of Turkey. Like in every golden era legend, also early republic is not
considered as period which is going to be approached with a realistic point of view also not the one on which it has critical
assessments, it is considered to be taught, to comprehend even a reviving period. Because of this hegemony point of view, even
the question of witnesses themselves of how they look this "dream period" from their own perspective and how they make sense
of their activities of the period remains in the backstage.
First of the impetus that directs this study is contrary to the hegemony point of view of the period, the realist evaluations of
Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoglu, a witness closely acquainted with this golden era such good as to evaluate the era as a whole, about
the conditions of the period, actors of the period and revolution method. As second, these evaluations has such realistic and
consistent quality that they can make Turkish modernization regain one of its basic needs; dimension of criticism.
Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoglu is one of the most important figures of "Kemalist" revolution cadre. He is involved in
revolution movement since the beginning of it and he is the one adopted the aim of modernization of Turkey which is the core of
"Kemalizm". Yakup Kadri is close enough to Mustafa Kemal as being one of the journalists inside camp when he entered the city
of Izmir. Having writings in newspapers called "Hâkimiyet-i Milliye" and "Cumhuriyet" in the side of ruling party, Yakup Kadri
becomes a member of Turkish Grand National Assembly from Mardin between the years of 1923 and 1931 and from Manisa
between the years of 1931- 1934.
Besides being faithful toward revolutions and so close to Ataturk, the only leader of the period without doubt, Yakup Kadri is
a distant and an unfriendly person towards the superior group of CHP. His honest characteristics and being a person who doesn't
come to terms with the realities easily has big proportion on that situation. Yet he is not like the ones who gravitates the magic of
charisma. Instead of building reputation by acting in political way like many of his contemporaneous did, he preferred to be
candidness and he didn't refrain from bearing its results.
The thing that is supposed to be done to come out as structural and locally of the "modern one" in Turkish society is not
mythicizing of a certain level of it or not getting it unquestionable but to evaluate it over and over again in the critical way of
thinking. So the thing we call modernity is a fact that already follows the criticism way and comes into existence. Mythicising of a
period and mythologizing it will cause not to overcome problems that we already encountered, at the most it will cause to
postpone facing with them, drifting away from the realities step by step and it will also cause us to become enstranged. With his
writings and critics, Yakup Kadri tried to obviate becoming enstranged and connect the modernization with the society. With this behavior, he is an unusual person among Turkish revolutionists. The main feature of him which drives him forward is maintaining
critical attitude towards revolution methods. According to Yakup Kadri, the revolution cadre was not idealist and determined
enough. From the Yakup Kadri's point of view, first of the biggest dilemmas of Turkish revolution is that deficiency of "cadre".
There is no emotional and idealistic unity among the current groups. Main reason of this situation is taking the stage and being
incorporated into the period in this new establishment of old establishment's dominants. Like in every period, some of them were
busy with estate speculation and using their authority for their own personal convenience. Briefly, Mustafa Kemal, the leader of
revolution, is not lucky as he is supposed to be about the groups.
Second basic criticism of Yakup Kadri is about concept and the method of revolution. As to him, revolutions that have been
done are mostly at law level and all about modernization studies within the government boundary. But the people as Recep Peker
who is secretary general in the group of revolution, suppose that the revolution has reached its goal by watching present
condition. However, according to Yakup Kadri, legal arrangements are the head of subject. Or else though the disengagement
claims, Republic would continue some parts of Ottoman modernization reluctantly. For him, exact revolution is making a
modernization project applicable which activates internal dynamics of society. If the projects which can initiate radical changes in
the social structure, do not put into the action and institutional changes cannot be supplied with the social changes,
modernization will only be superficial and "old" will keep carrying on itself under this spatial harmony.
As to Yakup Kadri, for accomplishment of the revolutions there is need for long term projects, constant and vigorous studies
that can revolutionize society. Thought of Yakup Kadri and environment of the group that he is a member of, is being attributed
of the revolution to mass and carrying out of Turkish revolution within strict projects and programs. This can come to alive only
if objective conditions which help revolution of modernization at the law level can be functional are built up. Or else, revolution
cannot get over from being so called and existing on paper only.
According to Yakup Kadri, social change can only come true with large scaled economical improvement project campaign.
Also Western countries substantially reached today's level as a result of economical transformation. There is no way that can make
possible to become a "western country" by imitating the institutions emerged by western countries that is specific to their
economical system. However, if essential politics aren't called out to reflect these arrangements existing on paper only to social
life and to establish them, things that have been done will be faced with danger of removing with adverse effect.
These considerations of Yakup Kadri show that there is no way that a change can go beyond governmental boundaries and
reach society levels besides having limited range of change by a method that has superior formatives only with political decision
which is not stood up to interior dynamics of society and agent of which is not society. Moreover this method, besides being
appropriate of that period for building up modernization which is fundamental and feeds itself, functions as abrasive of objective
base of a change in this direction. However institutional modernization inholds disadvantage of bedevilment of modernization's
transition because of causing extinction of resources which can intervene in a more realistic changing if it is at the mercy of civil
society that is underdeveloped and already has very limited amount of capital. Yakup Kadri is one of the rare revolutionists among
elite republicans that can notice this reality and anatomize it. But his critics aren't welcomed by the ruling group except Ataturk
and make him suspended from the headquarters as soon as possible.
Kadri Vihvelin has recently argued that between compatibilists and incompatibilists, the incompatibilists have a greater dialectical burden than compatibilists. According to her, both must show that ...free will is possible, but beyond this the incompatibilists must also show that no deterministic worlds are free will worlds. Thus, according to Vihvelin, so long as it is established that free will is possible, all the compatibilist must do is show that the incompatibilists' arguments are ineffective. I resist Vihvelin's assessment of the dialectical burdens of compatibilists and incompatibilists, as well as her assessment of the best arguments for incompatibilism.
