Family formation in the United States has changed dramatically: marriage has become less common, nonmarital cohabitation has become more common, and racial and economic inequalities in these ...experiences have increased. We provide insights into recent U.S. trends by presenting cohort estimates for people born between 1970 and 1997, who began forming unions between 1985 and 2015. Using Panel Study of Income Dynamics data, we find that typical ages at marriage and union formation increased faster across these recent cohorts than across cohorts born between 1940 and 1969. As fewer people married at young ages, more cohabited, but the substitution was incomplete. We project steep declines in the probability of ever marrying, declines that are larger among Black people than White people. We provide novel information on the intergenerational nature of family inequalities by measuring parental income, wealth, education, and occupational prestige. Marriage declines are particularly steep among people from low-income backgrounds. Black people are overrepresented in this low-income group because of discrimination and opportunity denial. However, marriage declines are larger among Black people than White people across parental incomes. Further, most racial differences in marriage occur among people from similar socioeconomic backgrounds. Family inequalities increasingly reflect both economic inequalities and broader racial inequalities generated by racist structures; in turn, family inequalities may prolong these other inequalities across generations.
I provide evidence on the direct effects of legal same-sex marriage in the United States by studying Massachusetts, the first state to legalize it in 2004 by court order. Using confidential ...Massachusetts data from 2001–2013, I show that the ruling significantly increased marriage among lesbians, bisexual women, and gay men compared with the associated change for heterosexuals. I find no significant effects on coupling. Marriage take-up effects are larger for lesbians than for bisexual women or gay men and are larger for households with children than for households without children. Consistent with prior work in the United States and Europe, I find no reductions in heterosexual marriage.
The Wealth of Parents Wagner, Sander; Boertien, Diederik; Gørtz, Mette
Demography,
10/2020, Letnik:
57, Številka:
5
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
This article describes trends in parental wealth homogamy among union cohorts formed between 1987 and 2013 in Denmark. Using high-quality register data on the wealth of parents during the year of ...partnering, we show that the correlation between partners’levels of parental wealth is considerably lower compared with estimates from research on other countries. Nonetheless, parental wealth homogamy is high at the very top of the parental wealth distribution, and individuals from wealthy families are relatively unlikely to partner with individuals from families with low wealth. Parental wealth correlations among partners are higher when only parental assets rather than net wealth are examined, implying that the former might be a better measure for studying many social stratification processes. Most specifications indicate that homogamy increased in the 2000s relative to the 1990s, but trends can vary depending on methodological choices. The increasing levels of parental wealth homogamy raise concerns that over time, partnering behavior has become more consequential for wealth inequality between couples.
Interracial couples cohabit at higher rates than same-race couples, which is attributed to lower barriers to interracial cohabitation relative to intermarriage. This begs the question of whether the ...significance of cohabitation differs between interracial and same-race couples. Using data from the 2006–2017 National Survey of Family Growth, we assessed the meaning of interracial cohabitation by comparing the pregnancy risk, pregnancy intentions, and union transitions following a pregnancy among women in interracial and same-race cohabitations. The pregnancy and union transition behaviors of women in White-Black cohabitations resembled those of Black women in same-race cohabitations, suggesting that White-Black cohabitation serves as a substitute to marriage and reflecting barriers to the formation of White-Black intermarriages. The behaviors of women in White-Hispanic cohabitations fell between those of their same-race counterparts or resembled those of White women in same-race cohabitations. These findings suggest that White-Hispanic cohabitations take on a meaning between trial marriage and substitute to marriage and support views that Hispanics with White partners are a more assimilated group than Hispanics in same-race unions. Results for pregnancy intentions deviated from these patterns. Women in White-Black cohabitations were less likely than Black women in same-race cohabitations to have an unintended pregnancy, suggesting that White-Black cohabitations are considered marriage-like unions involving children. Women in White-Hispanic cohabitations were more likely than White and Hispanic women in same-race cohabitations to have an unintended pregnancy, reflecting possible concerns about social discrimination. These findings indicate heterogeneity in the significance of interracial cohabitation and continuing obstacles to interracial unions.
The relations between the Catalan lands and, on the one hand, the Viscount of Béarn, on which the Moncades had reigned since the 12th century, and on the other the county of Foix, were ancient. The ...union of the two Occitan houses in 1290 established a powerful seigneury in the north of the Pyrenees. One understands the geopolitical interest that King James II of Majorca found in 1340 to the matrimonial union between his daughter Isabelle and Gaston, heir of the Foix-Bearn, union negotiated with Gaston II. At the latter's death, in 1343, the wedding project was abandoned under the pressure of the King of Aragon; the kingdom of Majorca disappeared the following year and, in 1349, the young Gaston III married Agnes of Navarre.
The article is devoted to the characterization of various ways of creating a marriage union in the Old Russian state, including: abduction of a bride by a groom – umychka, buying a bride from her ...relatives, bringing her by her relatives to the groom’s house, “trial” marriage, other non-church ways of creating marriage unions, and church marriage. It was concluded that in Ancient Russia there were marriage and family customs, canonical norms and regulations of state power, which conditioned the existence in the Old Russian state of a variety of ways to create a marriage union. Traditional marriage rites, formed in a particular area, made it possible to record the moment of the creation of the family and the emergence of marital rights and obligations. Successful implementation by families, created on the basis of marriage and family rites, of the tasks of emotional, moral, intimate and economic nature, the tasks of giving birth and upbringing children did not contribute to the rapid displacement of traditional marriage rites by the wedding rite. Due to the fact that the regulation of marriage and family relations fell into the sphere of state interests only in the context of solving other (stately significant) tasks, marriage and family customs and canonical regulations were determinants of many ways of creating a marriage union in the Old Russian state.
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