Abstract
The complexity and duration of the so-called ‘European refugee crisis’ created a climate of uncertainty, which left ample room for mass media to shape citizens’ understanding of what the ...arrival of these refugees meant for their respective country. This study analyses the national media discourses in Hungary, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom and Spain for this time period. Applying Latent Dirichlet Allocation topic modelling in five languages and based on N = 130,042 articles from 24 news outlets, we reveal country-specific media frames to track the overall course of the refugee debate and to uncover dynamics and shifts in discourses. While results show similarities across countries, due to media coverage responding to real-world developments, there are differences in media framing as well. Possible sources of these differences such as countries’ geographic location or status as receiving country are discussed.
The paper revises the gender aspect of media discourse in socialist Yugoslavia on the example of one of the oldest and most popular Yugoslav women's magazine "Bazar." An analysis of the textual and ...visual content of the 1973 edition (issues 208–233) reaffirmed the assumption that the mass media – including The Women's Press – actively participate in the construction and reproduction of both "femininity" and "masculinity", and in the depiction of desirable/expected gender relations in a certain socio-historical moment (Yugoslav socialism). In addition to the main female character – a beautiful, young, modern and well-groomed woman who is successful in all fields (at work, at home, as a wife, mother, sister, friend, worker...) – there is also an equally caring and dedicated husband and father, a modern man, successful in his field of expertise. In other words, of all the roles that Yugoslav society has assigned to women/men, the following seem to be dominant: She is primarily 1) a wife, mother and housewife, 2) a hard worker, and 3) a woman who is clearly positioned in the new consumer society, while He is 1) Pater Familias, 2) a successful businessman, and 3) a modern man who keeps up with the times. The research has shown that these (and such) "Bazar" images of a woman / man are highly harmonized with the official representation of gender in the socialist Yugoslav society – She is the embodiment of the socialist "super-woman", while He is depicted as part of the hegemonic model of masculinity. The female-male relationship is presented in the experimental media discourse in two ways. The first (socialist) model of gender polarity – the one that is in the central media plan / easily observable / clearly legible – is placed in the official narrative framework of socialism as an ideology that follows the principle of equality as the dominant matrix in social/gender/economic/family relations. In the second narrative plan, there is a traditional model of gender polarity, which is based on binary oppositions – weak-strong, gentle-rough, subordinate-dominant, dependent-independent, right-wrong – performed by the female-male couple. By analyzing the media discourse of the experimental socialist periodical, it has also been established that the narrative of one of the most popular Yugoslav women's magazines contains all three key terms (for gender reading or in the media text) – these are power, gender (in)equality and representation of meaning. Interpreting textual and visual content as a system of representation (and not presentation) of reality, it becomes obvious that despite the change in social paradigm in the years after World War II, the policy of gender representation in the context of power relations (man over woman) continued, which Yugoslav socialism – as a doctrine of equality – clearly could not (or did not want to) eradicate in practice.
Abstract This paper investigates the socio-political implications of sceptical metaphors in French discourse about the climate crisis. Existing literature has demonstrated the prevalence of religion ...metaphors in English sceptical discourse. Yet, in France, religious references in language use are limited as such references have been considered “anti-revolutionary” since the storming of the Bastille, in 1789. I thus ask to what extent sceptical metaphors in French climate crisis discourse differ from English sceptical metaphors. To this aim, I conduct a corpus-based study relying on texts published in the extreme-right wing French newspaper “Valeurs Actuelles”. The metaphors identified in this corpus are analysed so as to uncover the mini-narratives related to sceptical metaphor scenarios. Consistent with existing literature, the analysis establishes the prevalence of the religion scenario. However, the research highlights significant argumentative exploitations: metaphor users define the source concept according to cultural viewpoints on religion and ideological understanding of the religious lexicon. I demonstrate that religion metaphors prevail because associated source concepts ( environmentalism as islam ) are not conceived as being part of the domain of religion , according to these (extreme-right-wing) discourse producers.
Recent articles suggesting the late-1990s animatronic children’s toy, Furby, was promoted and perceived as true Artificial Intelligence in 1998-99 are not wholly accurate. In examining 130 North ...American news stories, Furby is often accurately described as only imitating machine learning. This paper analyses these articles from the perspective of mythmaking in technological culture. In the article, I analyse the media discourses at the time and provide their historical context within North American technological culture, containing events such as the Y2K bug, popular media representations, and the dotcom bubble. I also describe several potent emotional reactions to Furby. However, recent media discourses suggest Furby had been perceived as a panic-inducing new technology, similar to the War of the Worlds radio broadcast and silent cinema train effect, both of which historians have largely discounted. I contribute evidence to the contrary, while acknowledging emotional reactions, which are not necessarily indicators of utopian or dystopian cultural panics, but instead a technological banal. The contemporary mythmaking about Furby is situated as comparable to Foucault’s analysis of myths of Victorian prudishness and silence around sexuality. Retroactive mythmaking risks supporting uncritical perspectives in the present, warranting interrogation of myths about AI as it develops and expands.
In the heat of the COVID-19 pandemic, Singapore rolled out TraceTogether; a contact-tracing mobile app that uses proximity sensing to track the movements of its population. TraceTogether was ...initially voluntary, and used solely for contact tracing. By December 2020, the system became mandatory. This sparked a mass adoption that made TraceTogether possibly the most successful application in Singapore’s Smart Nation initiative. When it emerged in January 2021 that the data had been used by the police for criminal investigation, images of a totalitarianism sprang to mind, where technology permits the state an invasive awareness of the movement of individuals. In this paper, we defer from common arguments that Singaporeans are intrinsically trusting of the government or have been conditioned to accept ‘Big Brother’ modes of surveillance. Instead, we argue that the success of TraceTogether reflects a Singapore society that, through the rationalisation of surveillance, willingly participates in their own surveillance. In uncovering the genealogy of media discourse that surrounds TraceTogether, we highlight that it is the regular practice of voluntary surveillance, of subscribing oneself to the apparatuses of state control, rather than specific technologies, that characterises the Singapore surveillance state. We describe a matrix of reason, layered-on and normalised through media discourse, that exemplifies what Foucault has termed ‘governmentality’, which asserts a government’s power of control not over, but within, citizens.
Research on femicide news revealed discriminatory narratives against the victims in specific cases and social contexts. This article uses a quantitative approach to analyze the news content that ...serves to create social representations of victims and perpetrators. We propose a methodology based on examining independent elements in the descriptions, identifying extratextual patterns, and providing the data to compare the social representations of intimate partner violence (IPV), familiar, and non-IPV femicides. Three online news outlets were analyzed from July 2014 to December 2017, creating a corpus of 2,527 articles. The results revealed that it is more common to create negative representations of victims than negative representations of the perpetrators.
In this paper, the domination of the youth climate movement by the use of derogatory ageist language in German newspapers is uncovered. We find that German newspapers use different ageist media ...images, including 'pupils', 'absentees' and 'dreamers', to de-legitimize the FridaysForFuture movement. Greta Thunberg is presented as a 'young hero', who is held responsible for youngsters' absenteeism. FAZ and taz present a paternalist discourse in which the central narrative is that the young climate activists are pupils who are ignorant and still need to learn; and who are obliged by law to go to school. We argue that German newspapers align with the exclusive hegemony of an established environmental governance regime that struggles with the problematic phasing out of coal in Germany. Instead, a common practice of reluctancy and skepticism appears inherited in conservative discussions on climate action led by FAZ and the so-called coal commission.
Adoption of digital technology by older adults has become an important topic in academia and the public sphere within the debate on digital inclusion. Likewise, this topic has gained traction in the ...print media also. This paper assesses the representation of older adults in print media in the past 20 years in The Netherlands and Flanders. A total of 281 articles in the Dutch language were analysed to determine the representation of older adults and their level of agency. We found that they were represented in three manners: a) ambassadors of digital skill acquisition; b) naturally lacking in digital skills; or c) not alone in being helpless. These representations clearly increased during the COVIS-19 crisis. Some representations can be problematic, as the relationship between older adults and digital inclusion is not envisioned positively. Furthermore, they receive no agency to participate actively in the discussion surrounding their own digital inclusion and are too often used as the automatic example of the digitally illiterate – which is not particularly encouraging older adults towards digital skills acquisition.
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