Abstract
The emergence of Italian nationalism in general, and in Habsburg Dalmatia in particular, has escaped any systematic theorizing in the field of nationalism studies. In the 1860s, changing ...geopolitical scenarios, resulting from the process of Italian unification, triggered a heated debate among Italian- and Slavic-speaking Dalmatian politicians and intellectuals over the introduction of equal status for the Italian language and Slavic-Dalmatian. Although Italian-speaking Dalmatians constituted a very tiny minority of the population of the Austrian province, the Italian language had a dominant role in public life as a legacy of previous Venetian colonial rule. While the majority of the Slavic-Dalmatian intelligentsia and political elites sought rights for the local Slavic language in public life without undermining the existence of Italian, Italian-speaking elites opposed measures aimed at language equality in their attempt to maintain their privileged position within Dalmatian society. In the same period, Niccolò Tommaseo emerged as the leading figure against any concessions to Slavs, thus distancing himself from his previous “multinational” ideas and igniting anti-Slavic Italian nationalism in the region. And the nationalist tropes used by Italian-speaking Dalmatians, Tommaseo included, mirrored the very same primordialist rhetoric of modern-day nationalist leaders, from Russia to China.
The liberal international order, erected after the Cold War, was crumbling by 2019. It was flawed from the start and thus destined to fail. The spread of liberal democracy around the globe—essential ...for building that order—faced strong resistance because of nationalism, which emphasizes self-determination. Some targeted states also resisted U.S. efforts to promote liberal democracy for security-related reasons. Additionally, problems arose because a liberal order calls for states to delegate substantial decisionmaking authority to international institutions and to allow refugees and immigrants to move easily across borders. Modern nation-states privilege sovereignty and national identity, however, which guarantees trouble when institutions become powerful and borders porous. Furthermore, the hyperglobalization that is integral to the liberal order creates economic problems among the lower and middle classes within the liberal democracies, fueling a backlash against that order. Finally, the liberal order accelerated China's rise, which helped transform the system from unipolar to multipolar. A liberal international order is possible only in unipolarity. The new multipolar world will feature three realist orders: a thin international order that facilitates cooperation, and two bounded orders—one dominated by China, the other by the United States—poised for waging security competition between them.
In this paper, we propose an integrative national identity-based model of consumer behavior. This is accomplished by integrating several important concepts (e.g., self-concept, social identity, and ...intergroup relations) as roots for consumers' feelings, attitudes, and behavioral manifestations that are linked to national identification. We examine how citizens as consumers make sense of, interpret, and respond to what their nation and their national identity mean to them, not only in routine times but also in times of crises when others threaten their national identity. This analysis increases our understanding of how consumers position themselves in relation to national symbols or national rhetoric and how this helps shape consumption behavior.
National identification strength is a key Euroscepticism driver. We examine how politicians’ framing of immigration policies increases the salience of different national identity representations and ...its relationship with support for the European Union (EU) in a two-waves between-subject survey-experiment using French and German samples. As predicted, exposure to assimilation frames (directly for the French sample or via frame perception for both samples) increased the salience of ethnocultural national identity representations. Additionally, as hypothesised, higher ethnocultural representations salience following assimilation frames exposure was related to higher Euroscepticism. However, feeling emotionally attached to the EU reduced this negative impact of ethnocultural national identity representations on EU attitudes. We discuss the role of ethnocultural nationalism in Euroscepticism and the importance of fostering stronger emotional ties to the EU.
This book explores the role of native place associations in the development of modern Chinese urban society and the role of native-place identity in the development of urban nationalism. From the ...late nineteenth to the early twentieth century, sojourners from other provinces dominated the population of Shanghai and other expanding commercial Chinese cities. These immigrants formed native place associations beginning in the imperial period and persisting into the mid-twentieth century. Goodman examines the modernization of these associations and argues that under weak urban government, native place sentiment and organization flourished and had a profound effect on city life, social order and urban and national identity.
Researchers have shown that it is common to use nationalist appeals when marketing food products. Research has also shown that geographical places play an important role in creating feelings of ...national identity and national belonging. To a much lesser extent, research has shown how these "places" are represented and reproduced in the packaging of food products in specific national environments and to an even lesser extent, compared these representations and reproductions. In this article, using multimodal critical discourse analysis, we examine how butter packaging in Sweden and the UK represents nature in ways that create associations that are linked to the national identity that exists in each country. We argue that commercial interests, through their choice of packaging design, not only exploit cultural and political ideas and values but also reinforce them by connecting to prevailing national sentiments. In times of political and social change, this can be used to strengthen national affiliation and thus ally with political interests.
La identidad nacional, a la que se alude en el artículo 4.2 TUE, ha sido interpretada de diversas maneras por parte del Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea y de distintas jurisdicciones ...constitucionales de algunos Estados miembros. En este trabajo se examina la evolución de la regulación de la identidad constitucional en los tratados de la Unión y en la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Luxemburgo y de algunos Tribunales constitucionales y se propone, a la vista del análisis realizado, algunas hipótesis sobre qué órganos deberían ser los encargados de invocar la identidad nacional, en qué supuestos y con qué efectos.
How Rich Countries Got Fich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor. Das mental-map-Konzept, ein methodischer Ansatz, der ursprünglich von der Psychologie stammt und über die Geographie und den spatial turn ...nun schon vor einigen Jahren auch in den (deutschsprachigen) Geschichtswissenschaften angekommen ist, findet hier Anwendung. Geographical Imaginations, 1988; DAVID HoosoN: Geography and National Identity 1994); div Beiträge von Denis Cosgrove u.a.) finden keinen Eingang in die Überlegungen. In der Hoffnung auf die Gründung von Nationals taaten oder zumindest die Erlangung weitgehender Autonomien (innerhalb des Habsburgerreiches) brachen sich einerseits die Galizien bestimmenden Gegensätze zwischen Polen und Ruthenen endgültig Bahn.
A long essay entitled 'Three Historical Regions of Europe', appearing first in a samizdat volume in Budapest in 1980, instantly put its author into the forefront of the transnational debate on ...Central Europe, alongside such intellectual luminaries as Milan Kundera and Czesław Miłosz. The present volume offers English-language readers a rich selection of the depth and breadth of the legacy of Jenő Szűcs (1928–1988). The selection documents Szűcs’s seminal contribution to many contemporary debates in historical anthropology, nationalism studies, and conceptual history. It contains his key texts on the history of national consciousness and patterns of collective identity, as well as medieval and early modern political thought. The works published here, most of them previously unavailable in English, provide a sophisticated analysis of a wide range of subjects from the myths of origins of Hungarians before Christianization to the political and religious ideology of the Dózsa peasant uprising in 1514, the medieval roots of civil society, or the revival of ethnic nationalism during the communist era. The volume, with an introduction by the editors locating Szűcs in a transnational context, offers a unique insight into the complex and sensitive debate on national identity in post-1945 East Central Europe.
Nationalism in Settled Times Bonikowski, Bart
Annual review of sociology,
07/2016, Letnik:
42, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Due to a preoccupation with periods of large-scale social change, nationalism research had long neglected everyday nationhood in contemporary democracies. Recent scholarship, however, has begun to ...shift the focus of this scholarly field toward the study of nationalism not only as a political project but also as a cognitive, affective, and discursive category deployed in daily practice. Integrating insights from work on banal and everyday nationalism, collective rituals, national identity, and commemorative struggles with survey-based findings from political psychology, I demonstrate that meanings attached to the nation vary within and across populations as well as over time, with important implications for microinteraction and for political beliefs and behavior, including support for exclusionary policies and authoritarian politics. I conclude by suggesting how new developments in methods of data collection and analysis can inform future research on this topic.
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