Nationalism and patriotism are two interrelated, but separate, forms of national attachment that fulfill diverse psychological needs and are associated with distinct political and societal outcomes, ...particularly amid increasing immigration and diversity. However, little is known about how these two forms of national attachment change over time and/or throughout adulthood. The present study addresses this oversight by using cohort-sequential latent growth models across 13 annual waves of longitudinal data from a national sample of adults born in New Zealand (N = 50,305–50,408) to investigate changes in nationalism and patriotism across different birth cohorts. Results reveal that nationalism remained relatively unchanged until middle adulthood, after which it slightly increased. Conversely, patriotism appeared to increase weakly, albeit gradually, across the lifespan. Some evidence of cohort and period effects also emerged, pointing to subtle increases in patriotism and decreases in nationalism among the New Zealand population. These results are the first to demonstrate changes in nationalism and patriotism over an extended timeframe and across cohorts in a national sample.
ABSTRACT
The article examines how the political capital of cultural anniversaries may promote national identity in an authoritarian state. It investigates whether the 1967 centenary of Käthe Kollwitz ...(1867–1945) helped the GDR to build a distinct national identity in common with the aims of similar commemorations in the GDR. The twin themes of demarcation from the FRG and appropriation of the German cultural heritage dominated the ideological framework for commemorations throughout GDR history. Primary sources on both sides of the Cold War appear to have accepted the work and life of Kollwitz as essentially linked to the GDR. This reduced the need for the GDR authorities to amplify this framework when planning events. Yet a closer analysis of how she was portrayed reveals discrepancies between the theory and practice of this commemoration. The article examines two types of anniversary activity. Firstly, a film in which various narratives proposing a politicised construct of Kollwitz as an anti‐fascist, communist, and pacifist appear to conflict with a domesticated paradigm of Kollwitz as ‘grieving mother’. Secondly, an anniversary exhibition that concentrates rather on framing the narrative of ‘Kämpferin für das Proletariat’. Despite these inconsistencies, Kollwitz's position as an existing socialist role model who contributed to the construct of GDR national identity was confirmed by the commemoration rather than noticeably strengthened.
Zusammenfassung
Der Artikel untersucht, wie das politische Kapital von kulturellen Jubiläen die nationale Identität in einem autoritären Staat stärken kann. Überprüft wird, ob das Hundertjahrjubiläum 1967 von Käthe Kollwitz (1867–1945) der DDR half, eine ausgeprägte nationale Identität in Übereinstimmung mit den Zielen gleichartiger Jubiläen aufzubauen. Die sich wechselseitig bedingenden Begriffe ʻAbgrenzungʼ gegenüber der BRD, und ʻAneignungʼ des Deutschen Kulturgutes beherrschten den ideologischen Rahmen für solche Gedenkfeiern während der gesamten Geschichte der DDR. Aber Primärquellen deuten darauf hin, dass die Akzeptanz offenbar auf beiden Seiten des Eisernen Vorhangs vorherrschte, dass das künstlerische Werk und das politische Leben der Kollwitz im Wesentlichen mit der DDR verbunden waren. Das verminderte den Druck auf die DDR‐Behörden, den genannten ideologischen Rahmen bei der Planung von Feiern zu betonen. Jedoch zeigt eine genauere Untersuchung der Art, wie diese Jubiläen durchgeführt wurden, dass es Diskrepanzen zwischen Theorie und Praxis gab. Der Artikel untersucht zwei solche Aktivitäten: Einerseits einen Film, in dem verschiedene Erzählstränge Kollwitz als ʻpolitisiertes Konstruktʼ darstellen – antifaschistisch, kommunistisch, pazifistisch. Diese Darstellungen scheinen hier mit dem Paradigma von Kollwitz als ʻtrauernder Mutterʼ in Konflikt zu geraten. Im Gegensatz dazu konzentriert sich die Gedenkausstellung zum Jubiläum darauf, sie als ʻKämpferin für das Proletariatʼ hervorzuheben. Trotz dieser Widersprüche wurde der Status von Kollwitz als bestehendes sozialistisches Vorbild, das zur nationalen Identität der DDR beitrug, durch die Gedenkfeiern neu bestätigt, aber nicht merklich verstärkt.
Understanding borders as powerful markers signifying state and nation, this paper seeks to uncover their actual meaning(s) for national identity held by ordinary citizens, as expressed on social ...media. As a case study, we focus on the "Evros incident," when some thousands of refugees were attempting to cross the Turkish-Greek border, supported by the Turkish government. Based on Twitter data we propose a methodology to uncover the social and political ground upon which national identity is discussed during critical events, as well as the contents of national identity evidenced in our corpus. Four main topics were found, focusing on popular geopolitics, the borders, the presentation of refugees as "invaders," and the portrait of "the enemy within." The finding that Greek national identity is divided, while so far extensively discussed theoretically was not yet empirically documented. Our research not only documents the division, but also exemplifies its contents.
Zusammenfassung
Ausgehend von Sara Ahmeds Beobachtung, dass die Bekundung nationaler Scham ein Idealbild der Nation als gefühlte Gemeinschaft konstruiert, untersucht der Artikel die Bedeutung der ...Emotion Scham in einer Interviewstudie zum Thema nationale Identität mit deutschen Staatsbürger*innen im Kontext der Fußballweltmeisterstaft der Männer 2018. Dabei wird deutlich, dass das Thema nationale Scham innerhalb des Samples auf vielfältige Weise verhandelt wird und bei einigen Interviewten starke Ambivalenzen auslöst. Der Artikel arbeitet unterschiedliche Mechanismen heraus, die zur Überwindung dieser Ambivalenzen von den Interviewten angewendet werden – insbesondere das Konstrukt der gesellschaftlichen Mitte und die Inszenierung eines unpolitischen Raumes im Fußball – und untersucht kritisch deren Funktion hinsichtlich von Distinktionsgewinnen innerhalb der Nation wie auch nach außen.
Les conférences dites « Nazareth Jesberg, Bettina
Revue française de psychanalyse,
1/2024, Letnik:
88, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
L’article présente les conférences « Nazareth » initiées pour explorer les relations entre les Allemands, les Juifs israéliens et d’autres groupes en relation avec l’Holocauste ou d’autres conflits. ...Ces conférences ont été créées dans le but de mieux comprendre comment les sentiments et les fantasmes liés à l’identité nationale influencent les relations entre les groupes et comment ils affectent les perceptions du futur. L’article décrit également l’évolution de ces conférences depuis leur commencement en 1994, en élargissant leur thème pour inclure d’autres groupes et en se déplaçant dans différents pays. L’auteur fait part de ses expériences personnelles, mettant en lumière les défis et les prises de conscience qu’elle a rencontrés, elle souligne l’importance du travail psychanalytique dans la compréhension des conflits intergroupes et la nécessité de promouvoir le dialogue pour prévenir de futurs cycles de haine et de violence.
The book sheds light on processes of Belarusian nation-building and identity formation during the interwar period. It provides a complete analysis of the Soviet policy of Belarusization in interwar ...Belarus (1924-1929). The analysis covers issues pertaining to the formation of national identity, the incorporation of the Belarusian national language into educational and administrative spheres within the policy of Belarusization and its acceptance by the different strata of the multi-ethnic society in the BSSR of that period. The monograph also sheds light on the reasons for the launching and ceasing of that policy as well as on the interrelation between the Communist Party and the Belarusian national intelligentsia.
Abstract
The emergence of Italian nationalism in general, and in Habsburg Dalmatia in particular, has escaped any systematic theorizing in the field of nationalism studies. In the 1860s, changing ...geopolitical scenarios, resulting from the process of Italian unification, triggered a heated debate among Italian- and Slavic-speaking Dalmatian politicians and intellectuals over the introduction of equal status for the Italian language and Slavic-Dalmatian. Although Italian-speaking Dalmatians constituted a very tiny minority of the population of the Austrian province, the Italian language had a dominant role in public life as a legacy of previous Venetian colonial rule. While the majority of the Slavic-Dalmatian intelligentsia and political elites sought rights for the local Slavic language in public life without undermining the existence of Italian, Italian-speaking elites opposed measures aimed at language equality in their attempt to maintain their privileged position within Dalmatian society. In the same period, Niccolò Tommaseo emerged as the leading figure against any concessions to Slavs, thus distancing himself from his previous “multinational” ideas and igniting anti-Slavic Italian nationalism in the region. And the nationalist tropes used by Italian-speaking Dalmatians, Tommaseo included, mirrored the very same primordialist rhetoric of modern-day nationalist leaders, from Russia to China.
The liberal international order, erected after the Cold War, was crumbling by 2019. It was flawed from the start and thus destined to fail. The spread of liberal democracy around the globe—essential ...for building that order—faced strong resistance because of nationalism, which emphasizes self-determination. Some targeted states also resisted U.S. efforts to promote liberal democracy for security-related reasons. Additionally, problems arose because a liberal order calls for states to delegate substantial decisionmaking authority to international institutions and to allow refugees and immigrants to move easily across borders. Modern nation-states privilege sovereignty and national identity, however, which guarantees trouble when institutions become powerful and borders porous. Furthermore, the hyperglobalization that is integral to the liberal order creates economic problems among the lower and middle classes within the liberal democracies, fueling a backlash against that order. Finally, the liberal order accelerated China's rise, which helped transform the system from unipolar to multipolar. A liberal international order is possible only in unipolarity. The new multipolar world will feature three realist orders: a thin international order that facilitates cooperation, and two bounded orders—one dominated by China, the other by the United States—poised for waging security competition between them.
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