Between „Integral Yugoslavism” and „Christian Nationalism”– Projections of the Community Within the Serbian Ideosphere After 1918
In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS), established in ...1918, yugoslavism as a political idea of the integration of the nations was correlated by the Serbian intellectuals with another kind of the idea of community which only preserved terminological appearances of connection with the initial conception. In the interwar reality, unprecised „integral yugoslavism” gradually became the indication of the ethnic exclusivism of the Serbs and their leadership ambitions in the new state (philosophical ground for such a vision layed Miloš Djurić, whereas nationalisation of the community project was continued by Vladimir Dvorniković). The radicalisation of this programme ensued thanks to the ideologists of so called Christian nationalism (above all Dimitrije Ljotić) and led to the affirmation of the values of the native traditionalism. Such a thought with a fascist indication, supported with the politicised Orthodoxy and taking shape of the Serbian national idea from the nineteen-thirties, will be constituted as a primary factor of the disintegration of the (imaginary) community of the Yugoslavs right into the nineteen-nineties.
W utworzonym w 1918 roku Królestwie SHS jugoslawizm jako polityczna idea integracji narodów został przez serbskich intelektualistów zestrojony z innym typem idei wspólnoty, który zachował tylko terminologiczne pozory związku z wyjściową koncepcją. W rzeczywistości międzywojennej niedoprecyzowany „integralny jugoslawizm” stawał się stopniowo wyznacznikiem etnicznego ekskluzywizmu Serbów i ich ambicji przywódczych w nowym państwie (filozoficzny grunt pod taką wizję przygotował Miloš Djurić, a nacjonalizację projektu wspólnotowego kontynuował Vladimir Dvorniković). Radykalizacja tego programu nastąpiła za sprawą ideologów tzw. chrześcijańskiego nacjonalizmu (przede wszystkim Dimitrije Ljoticia) i doprowadziła do afirmacji wartości rodzimego tradycjonalizmu. Ta faszyzująca myśl, wspierana upolitycznionym prawosławiem i przybierająca od lat 30. kształt serbskiej idei narodowej, stanowić będzie podstawowy czynnik dezintegrujący (wyobrażoną) wspólnotę Jugosłowian aż do lat 90. XX wieku.
Assessing the transformation of Russian nationalist discourse in the 21st century Russian nationalism, previously dominated by "imperial" tendencies— pride in a large, strong and multi-ethnic state ...able to project its influence abroad— is increasingly focused on ethnic issues. This new ethno-nationalism has come in various guises, like racism and xenophobia, but also in a new intellectual movement of "national democracy" deliberately seeking to emulate conservative West European nationalism. Russia's annexation of Crimea in 10/10/2014 and the subsequent violent conflict in Eastern Ukraine utterly transformed the nationalist discourse in Russia. This book provides an up-to-date survey of Russian nationalism as a political, social and intellectual phenomenon by leading Western and Russian experts in the field of nationalism studies. It includes case studies on migrantophobia; the relationship between nationalism and religion; nationalism in the media; nationalism and national identity in economic policy; nationalism in the strategy of the Putin regime as well as a survey-based study of nationalism in public opinion.This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.
This book examines the role of Russian and Serbian nationalism in different modes of dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1991. Why did Russia's elites agree to the dissolution of the ...Soviet Union along the borders of Soviet republics, leaving twenty-five million Russians outside of Russia? Conversely, why did Serbia's elite succeed in mobilizing Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia for the nationalist cause? Combining a Weberian emphasis on interpretive understanding and counterfactual analysis with theories of nationalism, Veljko Vujačić highlights the role of historical legacies, national myths, collective memories, and literary narratives in shaping diametrically opposed attitudes toward the state in Russia and Serbia. The emphasis on the unintended consequences of communist nationality policy highlights how these attitudes interacted with institutional factors, favoring different outcomes in 1991. The book's postscript examines how this explanation holds up in the light of Russia's annexation of Crimea.
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