Israel's rights are being consistently negated through misleading interpretations of UN Security Council Resolution 242. The resolution does not request Israel to withdraw from all the territories ...captured in the 1967 Six-Day War and does not recognize that the Palestinian refugees have a right to return to Israel. The Security Council laid down several principles that should lead to a peaceful solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Among these principles are an Israeli withdrawal from territories occupied in 1967 to new secure and recognized boundaries, to be established by agreement, and the need for a just settlement of the refugee problem, without any reference to a right of return.
On the one hand, there is Israels targeted killing (TK) policy which has been conducted in almost full compliance with Human Rights Watch s stated test, executed with remarkable transparency, and has ...achieved unprecedented levels of intelligence accuracy, with less than one civilian fatality average per TK. In over 95 percent of Israeli TKs neither the identity of the targeted militant nor his involvement in hostilities was subject to dispute. On the other hand, there is a Western TK policy which in many cases did not comply with HRW s stated test and is conducted behind a cloak of systemic and deliberate opacity, with virtually no public scrutiny. Due to faulty or compromised intelligence, this policy resulted in a large number of TKs where the target was not in fact at the targeted location, and with a ratio of more than ten civilian fatalities per TK.
The term "occupation" is often employed politically, without regard for its general or legal meaning The use of the term "occupation' in political rhetoric reduces complex situations of competing ...claims and rights to predefined categories of right and wrong. Iraq was occupied by the Coalition forces from the spring of 2003 until June 28, 2004, at which time authority was handed over to the Iraqi Interim Government. At that point, Coalition forces remained in Iraq, but Iraq was no longer deemed occupied. If handing over authority to a Coalition-appointed interim government ended the occupation of Iraq, would the same not hold true for the establishment of the Palestinian Authority and Israel?
Israel has justified the construction of its barrier wall as a nonforcible measure taken in selfdefense to protect its citizens against terrorist attacks emanating from the occupied Palestinian ...territory. This essay addresses two issues. First, was the International Court of Justice’s conclusion in paragraph 139 of the advisory opinion Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory that “Article 51 of the Charter has no relevance in this case” wellfounded? This question involves consideration of three interrelated substantive aspects of paragraph 139: the Court’s finding that Article 51 was irrelevant because Israel did not claim that the attacks against it were imputable to a foreign state; the relevance of the Court’s reliance on the fact that Israel exercises control over the occupied Palestinian territory; and the Court’s conclusion that the situation differs from the circumstances contemplated in Security Council Resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001) and that, accordingly, Israel could not invoke these resolutions in support of its claim to be exercising a right of self-defense. The second issue is whether the approach of the Court to the substantive content of Article 51 can be defended as an appropriate discharge of its judicial function. To avoid undue suspense, let it be said at the outset that paragraph 139 is well-founded, and the Court properly fulfilled its task.
In an effort to contribute to the dialogue between gender studies and international studies, this report presents findings from an empirical investigation based on the integrated secondary analysis ...of survey data from Israel, Egypt, Palestine, and Kuwait. The goal is to assess the utility of both gender and attitudes pertaining to the circumstances of women in accounting for variance in views about war and peace, and thereafter to examine the degree to which political system attributes constitute conditionalities associated with important variable relationships. Major findings include the absence of gender-linked differences in attitudes toward international conflict in all four of the societies studied and a significant relationship in each of these societies between attitudes toward gender equality and attitudes toward international conflict. Based on data from the Arab world and Israel, with attitudes about a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict treated as the dependent variable, the research also aspires to shed light on more practical considerations pertaining to the international relations of the Middle East.
The Palestinian state remains an internationally endorsed project, yet an increasingly difficult one to implement. By analyzing the territorial, legal, and demographic developments that took place in ...the West Bank and the Gaza Strip over the past ten years, this article assesses the
extent to which the prospective Palestinian state has become unattainable. A comparison between the South African apartheid experience and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is made to shed light on the ways in which the Palestinian territories are becoming analogous to Bantustans. While historical
comparisons are never exact or prescriptive, they raise interesting parallels whose implications need to be considered, if not altered, in any attempt to materialize the project of viable Palestinian independence.
Study of the production process of news about Palestinians rather than simply its final forms reveals the extent to which mainstream news is a cultural product not only of US society and western ...journalism's professional norms, but of Palestinian society as well. Palestinian journalists working for international news contribute essential labor to the final product of international news. They serve as cultural and geographical guides for foreign correspondents. They are photojournalists and reporters on the scene covering both everyday political news and dangerous crises. Much of their work demands embodied skills acquired within Palestinian society under occupation. Yet, perhaps because journalism is generally thought of as intellectual work, and also because of the intensely local nature of these journalistic skills, Palestinian journalists' contributions – which generally relate to the facilitation of knowledge production, rather than to the formulation of editorial positions – are rarely recognized in publication or in discussions of journalism.
The tension between the right of a people to self-determination and the right of a state to its territorial integrity has claimed many lives in Africa. The raison d'être of international law is the ...regulation of affairs pertinent to its main subjects: states. A difficulty arises when one asserts rights of individuals or peoples within a legal system that is designed for the needs of states. Generally, the international community has not had difficulty with the exercise of the right to self-determination; the problem has always been when its application resulted in secession. In post-colonial Africa, struggles have been waged under the banner of self-determination and these have been thwarted with reference to the right of a state to its territorial integrity. This paper seeks to address this tension as Africa is replete with examples of the suppression of 'a peoples" right to self-determination in favour of the territorial integrity of a state.
I use micro data from the Labor Force Surveys conducted in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip during 1981-1991 to show that during 1981-1987 wage differences between schooling groups fell by well over ...one-half. This sharp reduction is associated with large increases in the size of the educated Palestinian labor force. Since the returns to schooling for Israeli Jews were stable, the decline in returns to schooling for Palestinians is consistent with the notion that the returns to schooling in the territories were determined largely by the forces of supply and demand in a segmented market for skilled labor.
This is a response to a recent article by Hanna Kokko and William J. Sutherland (American Naturalist152:354–366), who consider evolutionarily stable territory acceptance rules for animals that face ...the decision between settling on a poor territory now (which is then retained for life) or waiting for better habitat to become available later (taking a chance of dying before reproducing). In contrast to these authors, we argue that the evolutionarily stable threshold quality above which territories are acceptable does depend on whether individuals compete for a single territory (queuing) or for multiple territories (floating) and also on whether access to territories is determined by a hierarchy among waiting individuals. More specifically, we show the following: First, if the choice is between floating and settling, the evolutionarily stable acceptance threshold is such that threshold territories yield an expected lifetime reproductive success (LRS) of
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, the survival probability of a floater. Second, if the choice is between queuing and settling, the evolutionarily stable threshold may correspond to any LRS between
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and unity. Third, the number of nonbreeding individuals in the population is maximized at a threshold of unity. In other words, the evolutionarily stable threshold does not maximize the nonbreeding fraction of the population. We argue that models of territory choice should carefully specify the mechanism of choice because some choice processes (e.g., indiscriminate habitat use above the threshold) do not admit an evolutionarily stable acceptance rule.
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