The region sometimes known as Manchuria entered 1900 as a frontier of blurred boundaries. Inter-polity borders between the Qing and Russian empires, and between both empires and Korea, had been drawn ...in earlier centuries, but no power center exerted full control. Multiple populations—Manchu, Korean, Han Chinese, Russian, and also Japanese for a time—lived among one another. This changed by mid-century as borders hardened under new rationalist-Westphalian states, the PRC, USSR, and DPRK. Yet, as this article argues in a revisionist, multi-perspectival account, the Manchurian frontier had a long afterlife in the politics and culture of the PRC and its avowedly modern socialist neighbors. Historical and anthropological insights at the local level reveal how ubiquitous Manchurian frontier “bandits” were supplanted by Chinese, Russian, and Korean “partisans” during the 1920s–1940s revolutionary conflicts. As guerrilla fighters drew on romanticizations of noble, masculine bandit-heroes, the socialist causes—and ultimately states—they fought for became embedded in both the Manchurian wilderness and local imagination.
Davor Konjikušić provides an in-depth presentation and contextualization of the photographs created by Yugoslav partisans between 1941 and 1945. In doing so, the author is not only interested in ...presenting the photographs from an aesthetic perspective, but in the history of their use and function within one of the biggest anti-fascist movements in Europe during the Second World War.
Characterised by the capability to rapidly penetrate the enemy disposition, at long distance, by air, using transport aircraft, by parachuting or landing, as well as by own combat capacity, airborne ...troops could successfully execute a wide range of specific missions, either independently or in cooperation with other units or large units in the land, air or naval forces, to meet the operational and strategic goals. Mention should be made that almost all belligerents in the Second World War successfully employed groups of well-trained fighters, parachuted behind the enemy disposition, to execute intelligence missions: information collection, “commando”-type diversionary actions, as well as supply of weapons for local partisans and resistance formations
The steppe part of Crimea occupies two thirds of the total area of the peninsula. In the east, north and west it is surrounded by the Black Sea, the Gulf of Sivash and by the Sea of Azov, from the ...south – by the third ridge of the Crimean Mountains. The natural and geographical conditions of this region did not allow the guerrilla struggle against the German-Romanian invaders to be launched here, so it was limited to conducting intelligence activities, sabotage and propaganda by various patriotic underground organizations.In the Russian historiography, which studies the problems of anti-fascist Resistance on the territory of Crimea, unfortunately, a false stereotype has developed about the absence of underground work in the north of the peninsula.The purpose of the article is to dispel this myth, based on previously unpublished documents from: the funds of the municipal archive of the Administration of the Razdolnensky district, the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea and the Yalta Historical and Literary Museum. The research methods used are source studies, historical and typological, retrospective, statistical and biographical.In the course of the research, the author has identified previously unpublished materials about the activities of underground fighters on the territory of the Akh-Sheikhsky, Larindorfsky, KrasnoPerekopsky districts of the Crimean ASSR. The contribution of underground fighters to the common cause of the anti-fascist struggle has been noted, as well as the creation of conditions for the successful liberation of the peninsula from the German-Romanian occupation in the spring of 1944.
La ocupación nazi de Francia dio lugar a uno de los debates más importantes dentro del trotskismo francés y de la IV Internacional: la cuestión nacional europea y las demandas democráticas. El ...problema nacional tuvo diferentes manifestaciones en distintos países, y a lo largo de Europa produjo el surgimiento de movimientos de resistencia contra los ocupantes. Los trotskistas franceses no fueron ajenos a dicho fenómeno y el debate sobre si debían integrarse a los maquis demostró ser fundamental para la posibilidad de que se produjese una revolución socialista una vez finalizada la guerra. Intentaremos demostrar que la posición de los trotskistas franceses sobre la resistencia distaba de ser unívoca. A partir de la masificación de los movimientos partisanos en Italia y Francia, la mayoría de la dirección del Parti Ouvrier Internationaliste, con Marcel Hic a la cabeza, desarrolló una política favorable hacia los maquis, encontrando una fuerte oposición dentro del partido y del Secretariado Provisional Europeo de la IV Internacional. Los esfuerzos de integración a la resistencia de algunos líderes del POI quedaron truncos tras la redada sufrida por el partido a manos de la Gestapo en octubre de 1943. A mediados de 1945, surgió una nueva oportunidad para los trotskistas franceses con la participación de André Calvès en un maquis comunista, pero dicha oportunidad se perdió debido a la política adoptada por la nueva sección francesa, el Parti Communiste Internationaliste.
The article presents some motives that caused individuals during the Second World War to join either Village Guards, Partisan units, or Home Guard units. Of course, we recognise that there were also ...other reasons for this. We focus only on collected testimonies and other sources connected to the area of the southern Notranjska region, i.e. the six wartime municipalities of Begunje, Bloke, Cerknica, Rakek, Stari trg and Sv. Vid, which are today the municipalities of Bloke, Cerknica and Loška dolina.
The divergent roles of education in predicting environmental support among liberals, conservatives, and moderates in the United States are explained by integrating ideological-consistency and ...information-deficit models. Increased political polarization among elites has led to divergent environmental positions advocated by liberal and conservative political and media leaders; it was predicted that education would increase public attention to these elite cues and, consistent with the ideological-consistency model, increased education would lead to attitudes in line with consensual positions endorsed by party elites. Across two nationally representative data sets, higher levels of education were associated with stronger environmental support among liberals and weaker environmental support among conservatives. Moderates were predicted to have fewer elite cues on which to base their attitudes; consistent with the information-deficit model, higher levels of education among moderates were associated with strengthened environmental support. A moderated-mediation model supported the differential application of these two theories.
This paper provides a translation into Bosnian of a statement signed in the Zagreb police on January 21, 1944 by Hafiz Muhamed ef. Pandža, a member of the Ulema-medžlis in Sarajevo and the initiator ...of a short-lived Muslim liberation movement which was envisioned as the main military support for Bosnian Muslims in the final days of World War II. The broader military-political context necessary to understand the meaning and content of a given statement is depicted. Although controversial in many ways, the statement is especially illustrative when it comes to the views of the traditional Bosnian Muslim elite of autonomist orientation on military subjects and actors of World War II.
On 21 October 1941, seventeen-year-old Masha Bruskina was hanged in Minsk, a fate thinly veiled in a note smuggled out of prison to her mother in the ghetto. Bessarabian Jew Olga Bancic addressed her ...last letter to her daughter, Dolores, the day before she was decapitated in Stuttgart in May 1944. Caught at a fleeting juncture between life and death, these letters became memento mori and now appear on websites that do neither mention their origins and trajectories nor the role played by intermediaries, motivated by humanism, political allegiance, and economic gain. Also disregarded is the fact that Bruskina's letter shared the fate of her mother, who was murdered two weeks after her daughter. While the decontextualised use of the letters, often accompanied by photographs, elicits an emotional response, this article will show that it also extends the violence inflicted on these women. By tracing the journeys of these letters and photographs my investigation will reveal affective and micro-economic relationships that individualise these Holocaust victims. Even if their executions illustrate Foucault's 'economies of punishment', the material culture that speaks for them merges affect with activism, foregrounding a means to resist that has been ignored or misappropriated.
The article deals with the image of the Second World War in three contemporary Slovenian novels placing them in the context of the contemporary Slovenian fiction production, where the topic of the ...Second World War has been increasingly present over the last decade: Drago Jančar’s I Saw Her That Night, Maruša Krese’s That I am Afraid?, and Maja Haderlap’s The Angel of Oblivion. In analyzing them, the paper highlights their similarities and differences underlining the potentials of the novel about WWII in general. Moreover, the paper outlines the development phases of the Slovenian novel after 1990, pointing out that WWII was not an appealing theme for the poetics of postmodernism which characterized Slovenian fiction in the second half of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. The author argues that the war – which in the Slovenian and Yugoslav context in the period 1941–1945 was inseparably connected to the issues of the revolution, anti-revolution, civil war, collaboration, and the communists coming to power – reveals itself to be productive and inspiring for the contemporary novel. Namely, this topic not only offers a broad historical and thematic field but at the same time demands a sharp ethical reflection, as does any literary representation of the ground-breaking historical events.
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