Reducing political polarization requires finding common ground among people with diverse opinions. The current research shows that people generally expect that expressing ambivalence about political ...issues—endorsing some considerations on both sides, for instance—can help them establish positive relations with others holding a wide variety of political views. However, across several policy topics—COVID-19 mask mandates, immigration, and the death penalty—we found that targets expressing a given position with more (vs. less) ambivalence were not liked more, whether perceivers agreed or disagreed with their overall position. In fact, when perceivers agreed with targets' overall positions, they judged those with more (vs. less) ambivalent attitudes as less likeable, warm, and competent. Although views of ambivalent targets varied across perceivers, the negative effect when targets and perceivers shared overall positions was larger and more consistent than any positive effects among opposing perceivers. This exposes a mismatch between expectation and social reality: Whereas expressing ambivalence might make intuitive sense toward bridging political divides, we found it was ironically more likely to reduce liking among allies while maintaining disliking among adversaries. These findings speak to the interpersonal dynamics of political polarization, highlighting a potential social disincentive against publicly taking nuanced positions on political issues.
Godfatherism and Its Effects on Nigeria’s Democracy Oghuvbu, Ejiroghene Augustine
Vestnik Rossijskogo universiteta družby narodov. Seriâ: Gosudarstvennoe i municipalʹnoe upravlenie (Online),
09/2023, Letnik:
10, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Godfatherism has been the focal point of political gangalism in Africa and other developing countries around the globe. Godfatherism has been a hallmark of Nigeria’s democracy today. With the ...restoration of democratic rule in 1999, the nation has seen an increase in the politics of godfatherism, which has slowed the consolidation of democracy while also undermining efficient state governance and restricting rather than broadening democratic representation. Godfatherism has taken its toll in the country’s politics, causing disharmony, disunity, conflict, and disaffection among various political and interest groups in the country. Its lethargy has exacerbated electoral passivism and aparthism, slowing Nigeria’s democratic transition. This study therefore, investigates the causes, nature and effects of godfatherism on Nigeria’s nascent democracy. The paper based its investigation on the elite theory and the study reveals that political godfatherism is responsible for weak institutions in the country. The study therefore, concludes that political godfathers and godsons have denied the people the rights to vote for their preferred candidate as their leaders. The study however, recommends that voting should be reformed to make it more difficult for individuals and institutions to finance political parties and politicians, this will go a long way towards eradicating godfatherism in Nigeria, and give room for democracy to flourish.
This study focuses on the role of geography in foreign subsidiary survival in host countries afflicted by political conflict. We argue that survival is a function of exposure to conflicts, and ...depends on the characteristics of place (the conflict zone) and space (geographic concentration and dispersion of other home-country firms). The roles of place and space are explored using street-level analysis of geographic information systems data for 670 Japanese multinational enterprises (MNE) subsidiaries in 25 conflict-afflicted host countries over 1987—2006. Through dynamic modeling of conflict zones as stretchable and shrinkable places relative to subsidiary locations, we develop a means of characterizing a foreign subsidiary's exposure to multiple threats in its geographic domain. Our results show that greater exposure to geographically defined threats, in both a static and a dynamic sense, reduces the likelihood of MNE survival. The findings indicate, moreover, that both concentration and dispersion with other firms affect survival; however, the effects depend on where the firm is spatially located (whether the firm is in a conflict zone) and with whom (home-country peers or sister subsidiaries).
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conceptual pair of political conflict-social
homogeneity, starting from the theorizations of Carl Schmitt and Hermann Heller. In particular, the paper
...highlights how, even if they share the same historical perspective (the Weimar Germany), the two authors
develop two different concepts of “homogeneity”, so that the relationship between their theories and the
theme of “political conflict” appears significantly dissimilar. If, for Schmitt, the obsession for order results
in the impossibility of understanding the democratic and pluralistic conflict in an orderly sense, for Heller,
instead, democratic conflict and order can coexist. Indeed, he does not consider political homogeneity in
opposition to the intrinsically conflictual dimension of the “social”, but in relation to it. Hence, by pointing
out the importance of the Hellerian attempt to combine social antagonism with the necessary formation of
a unitary democratic will, the paper weaves a relationship between Heller’s theoretical perspective and
Chantal Mouffe’s theory of “agonistic pluralism”. Finally, it highlights the limits that this concept can come
across if it is not preserved in a constitutionally oriented dimension.
This study aims to analyze the meaning of signs related to political conflict between characters in sineprak “Satru Ing Ngepal” (SIN). The political conflicts between these figures will be analyzed ...for their meaning by relating them to the social-historical context of Indonesia in the New Order and Reformation Eras. The research uses a theatrical semiotic theory approach, dividing theatrical performances into 13 sign systems. Signs related to political conflict between figures will be analyzed denotatively and connotatively. The content analysis method from Kriipendorf was used to analyze the data. The results of this study indicate that Senopati’s political conflict with Mangir semiotically refers to the meaning of the political conflict between the New Order and Reform rulers and the opposition. The enmity between Senopati, Juru Mertani, and Mangir refers to the meaning of the conflict between Wiranto and Prabowo Subianto. Pembayun’s marriage to Mangir means Prabowo Subianto joining President Jokowi’s government for 2019-2024. Pembayun’s courage to fight for Mataram peace with Mangir’s fief land refers to RA Kartini’s emancipation.
Investigating culturally specific views and experiences of trauma and resilience can offer new insights that can aid distress management, meaning making, coping and resilience in adverse conditions, ...and inform emergency and disaster responses. Sumud is a Palestinian cultural construct and component of resilience in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). Sumud in Arabic refers to steadfastness or perseverance. This literature review focuses on research studies on Sumud in the oPt, with particular attention to the meaning and manifestations of Sumud, the role of non-violent resistance, and how Sumud and non-violent resistance informs resilience and coping in the context of a military occupation, protracted political conflict, and chronic adversity. The peer-reviewed literature was surveyed using the PubMed and PsycINFO databases. The findings indicate how Sumud is a central component of resilience and provides a meta-cognitive framework which Palestinians use to interpret, cope and respond to ongoing injustice and traumatic experiences, engendering a sense of purpose and meaning. It is both a value and an action that manifests via individual and collective action to protect family and community survival, wellbeing, dignity, Palestinian identity and culture, and a determination to remain on the land. The implications of this study and the relevance of the findings to mental health and disaster relief are considered.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IJS, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
This study examines attempts by authorities to undermine overt collective challenges, such as protests, riots, or armed attacks, by targeting activities that precede and/or support such behavior. ...After providing a theory of how repression and resistance develop, the study analyzes unique data drawn from the confidential records of the Guatemalan National Police to assess the use of repression during the years between 1975 and 1985. Empirical tests demonstrate that (1) government forces anticipate challenger development by identifying the mobilization activities nascent challengers rely on to initiate and sustain overt collective challenges and (2) the use of repression designed to undermine such efforts is specifically targeted against radical (i.e., highly transformative) claims making. Implications are drawn for how we understand and study political order and conflict.
The article examines the withdrawal agreement between the UK and the EU following the Brexit referendum including an analysis of the role of the main political actors. Beginning with the negotiation ...strategies of both the UK and the EU, it then concentrates on the political tensions between the British Government and Parliament with respect to the latter’s approval of the agreement – as well as EU behavior throughout that dispute. The article also focuses on how courts were asked to settle disputes between the main branches of power on the issue of Brexit and proposes a critical view on the role of the stakeholders of the agreement, as well as a reflection on the collateral effects of this process.
Issue framing is one of the most important means of elite influence on public opinion. However, we know almost nothing about how citizens respond to frames in what is possibly the most common ...situation in politics: when frames are sponsored by political parties. Linking theory on motivated reasoning with framing research, we argue not only that citizens should be more likely to follow a frame if it is promoted by “their” party; we expect such biases to be more pronounced on issues at the center of party conflicts and among the more politically aware. Two experiments embedded in a nationally representative survey support these arguments. Our findings revise current knowledge on framing, parties, and public opinion.
The alarming upward trend since 2012 in the number of fatalities incurred by organized violence did not continue in 2015. Indeed, 2014 saw more than 130,000 people killed in organized violence while ...in 2015 this figure was close to 118,000. This is still an unusually high number, the third-worst year in the post-Cold War period. The number of conflicts continued to increase from 41 in 2014 to 50 in 2015. This increase was by and large driven by the expansion of the Islamic State. Most of the fatalities, over 97,000, incurred in state-based conflicts. Non-state conflicts also increased, from 61 in 2014 to 70 in 2015, the highest number recorded in the 1989–2015 period. No non-state conflict passed the threshold of 1,000 battle-related deaths, but 11 state-based conflicts did a decrease by one from 2014. Seven of the ten most violent state-based conflicts in 2014 became less violent. Twenty-six actors were registered in one-sided violence just as in 2014, while the number of fatalities decreased from over 13,500 to 9,500.
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