This article argues that Hannah Arendt’s controversial essay “Reflections on Little Rock,” when situated within her analysis of Jewish assimilation, has an astute insight: racial integration and the ...decrease of the racial gaps in material inequality, without taking seriously the political project of building a world in common, only intensify racism in racist polities. This occurs because attempts to extend formal equality to the racially dominated give rise to the rule of racial common sense, a result of a clash between the political structures of equality and the racial inequality practiced in quotidian interracial exchanges occurring in civil society. Though Arendt’s work on racism echoes criticisms of racial integration leveled by racial realist and pessimistic accounts of the Civil Rights struggle, her work points to a more expansive practice of “the political” that calls for the institutional (re)design of formal politics as an important strategy against racism.
The author presents the first major reassessment of the Western Enlightenment for a generation. Continuing the story he began in Radical Enlightenment, and now focusing his attention on the first ...half of the 18th century, he returns to the original sources to offer a new perspective on the nature and development of the most important currents in modern thought. The author traces many of the core principles of Western modernity to their roots in the social, political, and philosophical ferment of this period: the primacy of reason, democracy, racial equality, feminism, religious toleration, sexual emancipation, and freedom of expression. He emphasizes the dual character of the Enlightenment and the bitter struggle between, on the one hand, a generally dominant, anti-democratic mainstream, supporting the monarchy, aristocracy, and ecclesiastical authority, and on the other a largely repressed democratic, republican, and ‘materialist’ radical fringe. He also contends that the supposedly separate French, British, German, Dutch, and Italian enlightenments interacted to such a degree that their study in isolation gives a hopelessly distorted picture.
The year of 1948 witnessed two elections that pushed race relations in the United States and South Africa in dramatically opposite directions. In November, the victory of Harry S. Truman placed the ...White House on the side of domestic civil rights and against racial oppression and segregation. His was the first presidential administration to publicly and privately embrace the struggle for racial justice in the United States. Five months earlier in South Africa, the victory of the Nationalist-Afrikaner coalition heralded the onset of the apartheid era. In this paper I explore the rationale behind the decision of President Truman in developing closer ties with Pretoria during the later 1940s and early 1950s. I specifically highlight the fact that despite the radically different racial trajectories of the two nations, the White House developed a policy of closer relations with the practitioners of apartheid due to their vehement anti-communism, support for Western actions against during the early Cold War era and a willingness to provide enriched uranium for the US atomic programme.
This article parallels Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream for civil, economic, and racial equality in the USA with Julius K. Nyerere’s unrelenting liberation struggle for the emancipation of Southern ...Africa from colonial shackles. I write this article fully cognizant of King’s belief that what united the minority and colonial peoples of America, African, and Asia was the struggle to overcome the legacy of colonialism and racial injustice. I therefore argue that King’s dream was a shared dream, which I analyze through the prism of liberation theology.
RESUMO As ações afirmativas de promoção da igualdade racial ressignificaram a luta pelo direito à educação no Brasil. A entrada de sujeitos pertencentes a coletivos diversos e historicamente tratados ...como desiguais no ensino superior, a presença de pessoas negras nos concursos públicos da administração federal por meio da implementação das cotas raciais, as várias iniciativas de ensino de história e cultura afro-brasileira e africana nas escolas da Educação Básica, bem como os direitos garantidos no Estatuto da Igualdade Racial, têm feito emergir diversos conhecimentos e experiências produzidos pelos sujeitos negros nas suas vivências políticas, sociais e culturais. Tudo isso tem transformado a ciência, a educação e a sociedade.
RESUMEN La acción afirmativa para promover la igualdad racial ha dado un nuevo significado a la lucha por el derecho a la educación en Brasil. El ingreso de sujetos pertenecientes a diversos grupos e históricamente tratados como desiguales en la educación superior, la presencia de personas negras en los concursos públicos de la administración federal a través de la implementación de cuotas raciales, las diversas iniciativas de enseñanza de la historia y la cultura africana y afrobrasileña en las escuelas de educación básica, así como los derechos garantizados en el Estatuto de la Igualdad Racial, han hecho emerger diversos conocimientos y experiencias producidas por las personas negras en sus vivencias políticas, sociales y culturales. Todo ello ha transformado la ciencia, la educación y la sociedad.
ABSTRACT Affirmative action to promote racial equality has resigned the struggle for the right to education in Brazil. The entry of subjects belonging to diverse groups and historically treated as unequal in higher education, the presence of black people in public competitions of the federal administration through the implementation of racial quotas, the various initiatives for teaching African and Afro-Brazilian history and culture in elementary schools, as well as the rights guaranteed in the Statute of Racial Equality, have brought out diverse knowledge and experiences produced by black people in their political, social, and cultural experiences. All this has transformed science, education and society.
Equity in development is most often used to describe something the global North does to or in the global South, rather than as a concept that applies between the North and South. Neither does it take ...into consideration the issue of creating systems that foster equity between the North and the South, within the context of historical inequalities and power dynamics. This article examines equity in development from four different perspectives: language, knowledge production, funding, and partnerships, recognising that if we are to reimagine development in a genuine rather than a cosmetic way, we need to address the root causes behind global inequity and grapple with entrenched power imbalances. By explicitly using the term 'equity' in the context of re-imagining the global development system, we both acknowledge this reality and make explicit the fact that a rebalancing of power relations and global resources is necessary if we are to achieve a more equal global system.
The transformation of the American South--from authoritarian to democratic rule--is the most important political development since World War II. It has re-sorted voters into parties, remapped ...presidential elections, and helped polarize Congress. Most important, it is the final step in America's democratization.Paths Out of Dixieilluminates this sea change by analyzing the democratization experiences of Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina.
Robert Mickey argues that Southern states, from the 1890s until the early 1970s, constituted pockets of authoritarian rule trapped within and sustained by a federal democracy. These enclaves--devoted to cheap agricultural labor and white supremacy--were established by conservative Democrats to protect their careers and clients. From the abolition of the whites-only Democratic primary in 1944 until the national party reforms of the early 1970s, enclaves were battered and destroyed by a series of democratization pressures from inside and outside their borders. Drawing on archival research, Mickey traces how Deep South rulers--dissimilar in their internal conflict and political institutions--varied in their responses to these challenges. Ultimately, enclaves differed in their degree of violence, incorporation of African Americans, and reconciliation of Democrats with the national party. These diverse paths generated political and economic legacies that continue to reverberate today.
Focusing on enclave rulers, their governance challenges, and the monumental achievements of their adversaries,Paths Out of Dixieshows how the struggles of the recent past have reshaped the South and, in so doing, America's political development.
Research on racial attitudes indicates that acceptance of the principle of racial equality is frequently offset by opposition to policies designed to eliminate injustice. At the same time, research ...on the contact hypothesis indicates that positive interaction between groups erodes various kinds of prejudiced attitudes. Integrating these two traditions of research, this study examined whether or not interracial contact reduces the principle-implementation gap in racial attitudes. The study comprised a random-digit-dialing survey of the attitudes and contact experiences of White and Black South Africans (N = 1,917). The results suggest that among Whites, there remains a stubborn core of resistance to policies designed to rectify the injustices of apartheid. The results also indicate that interracial contact has differential, and somewhat paradoxical, effects on the attitudes of Whites and Blacks toward practices aimed at achieving racial justice.
The international criminology and social policy literature have long explored possible connections between social welfare and crime. However, existing studies tend towards high‐level comparisons of ...crime versus total aggregate welfare spend, overlooking sub‐national contextual differences between and within countries. There are also few studies that deeply explore this link in the Antipodes, including in Australia: a settler colony and (neo)liberal welfare state with a recent strong coupling of punitive social and penal policies that disproportionately impact Indigenous populations. This paper attends to these gaps by examining the welfare‐crime link in remote Indigenous Queensland (Australia). We use crime‐report data and an interrupted time series design to explore the effects of dynamic social welfare policies during 2020–2021: a period that saw a temporary shift away from a strict neoliberal welfare model (i.e., heavy conditionality, low benefit rates) to more supportive and decommodifying social welfare in response to the COVID‐19 induced economic recession. Our findings align with previous studies that suggest more supportive and decommodifying policies are associated with lower crime. We also bring greater nuance to how the crime‐welfare link is understood within the ‘structural complexity of Australian settler colonialism’ (Wolfe. Journal of Genocide Research. 2006;8:392), by illuminating how a politics of race animates social policies that can either produce or reduce criminogenic strains and, thus, socially construct crime in the image of the Indigenous ‘Other’.
This article offers an insightful analysis of presidential policy towards Rhodesia during the UDI era of 1965 to 1979. I provide an informative account of the stance adopted by the differing ...presidential administrations towards Salisbury and highlight the shifting alignment of the global and domestic dynamics that shaped decision-making. I also explore the complex relationship between pragmatism and morality in formulating policy and consider intriguing questions over the competing visions within Washington of what constituted pragmatism or morality during the era of decolonisation.
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