It is commonly hypothesized that higher cognitive abilities promote racial tolerance and a greater commitment to racial equality, but an alternative theoretical framework contends that higher ...cognitive abilities merely enable members of a dominant racial group to articulate a more refined legitimizing ideology for racial inequality. According to this perspective, ideological refinement occurs in response to shifting patterns of racial conflict and is characterized by rejection of overt prejudice, superficial support for racial equality in principle, and opposition to policies that challenge the dominant group's status. This study estimates the impact of verbal ability on a comprehensive set of racial attitudes, including anti-black prejudice, views about black-white equality in principle, and racial policy support. It also investigates cohort differences in the effects of verbal ability on these attitudes. Results suggest that high-ability whites are less likely than low-ability whites to report prejudicial attitudes and more likely to support racial equality in principle. Despite these liberalizing effects, high-ability whites are no more likely to support a variety of remedial policies for racial inequality. Results also suggest that the ostensibly liberalizing effects of verbal ability on anti-black prejudice and views about racial equality in principle emerged slowly over time, consistent with ideological refinement theory.
Researchers have argued that explicit racial appeals are rejected in contemporary American politics because they are perceived as violating the norm of racial equality. We test this claim with an ...experimental design, embedded in a representative survey of Georgia where, until recently, the state flag featured the Confederate battle emblem. In our experiment, we manipulate the salience of racial cues in news accounts of the state flag controversy in Georgia. We hypothesize that women are more likely than men to reject explicit racial appeals. We focus on the effects of explicit messages in two areas: support for Confederate symbols and identification with the Democratic Party. As hypothesized, when the racial significance of this debate is made explicit support for the Confederate flag declines, but only among women. Similarly, explicit appeals lead to lower levels of Democratic identification among men, but among women the effects are weaker and less consistent.
From 1990 to 2020 Newfield, Christopher
Critical times (Berkeley, Calif.),
04/2022, Letnik:
5, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Thinking about the past thirty years can help readers get a sense of the scale of changes that are possible during the thirty years to come. In 1990, the Soviet Union and the Cold War were in place, ...computers were a niche business, and the world's leading advocates of deep neoliberalization, Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, were out of power. Not many years later, the Cold War had been replaced by a “Global War on Terror,” computers had morphed into a global techno-economic system with names like platform capitalism or surveillance capitalism, and neoliberalization not only outlived these dominant advocates but spread around the world. Simultaneously, work, including the work of university graduates, became increasingly precarious. Racial equality did not come to pass, nationally or globally, and yet even its prospect produced a rising backlash. The post–Cold War “peace dividend” was replaced by continuous local and regional wars. In the past thirty years, the United States in particular became post–middle class, post–civil rights, and postdemocratic. Future universities will need to confront all three legacies if they are to transform themselves.
We analyze the prevalence and framing of references to equality and inequality in presidential state of the union addresses (SOTUs) delivered between 1960 and 2018. Despite rising income inequality ...and increased attention among political elites to structural inequalities of race and gender in recent years, we find very few direct or indirect references to inequality as a social problem and surprisingly few references even to the ostensibly consensual and primary values of equal opportunity and political equality. References to racial inequality have been few and far between since the height of the civil rights era. By contrast, another primary value in the American political tradition—economic individualism are a major focus in these SOTUs. We trace the scant presence of equality talk in these speeches to the ambiguous scope of egalitarian goals and principles and their close tie-in with race in America. We rely on automated text analysis and systematic hand-coding of these speeches to identify broad thematic emphases as well as on close reading to interpret the patterns that these techniques reveal.
From the 1870s to the 1950s, African Americans frequently referred to the Chinese sage Confucius when demanding justice from American white society. This hitherto unnoticed strategy emphasized ...Confucian morality to undermine the theoretical basis of American racism. It exposed the hypocrisy of white society on racial relations and illuminated a different path for blacks’ racial advancement. In the process, blacks added an American racial color to Confucius’ image while portraying themselves as cosmopolitan and rational fighters for racial fairness. Chinese culture is therefore not only widely known in America but has an important role to play in its interracial relations.
In 1965, when Dædalus published two issues on "The Negro American," civil rights in the United States had experienced a series of triumphs and setbacks. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting ...Rights Act of 1965 extended basic citizenship rights to African Americans, and there was hope for further positive change. Yet 1965 also saw violent confrontations in Selma, Alabama, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles that were fueled by racial tensions. Against this backdrop of progress and retreat, the contributors to the Dædalus volumes of the mid-1960s considered how socioeconomic factors affected the prosperity, well-being, and social standing of African Americans. Guest editor Lawrence D. Bobo suggests that today we inhabit a similarly unsettled place: situated somewhere between the overt discrimination of Jim Crow and the aspiration of full racial equality. In his introduction, Bobo paints a broad picture of the racial terrain in America today before turning the volume over to the contributors, who take up particular questions ranging from education and family support, to racial identity and politics, to employment and immigration.
How transatlantic thinkers in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries promoted the unification of Britain and
the United States Between the late nineteenth century and
the First World War ...an ocean-spanning network of prominent
individuals advocated the unification of Britain and the United
States. They dreamt of the final consolidation of the Angloworld.
Scholars, journalists, politicians, businessmen, and science
fiction writers invested the "Anglo-Saxons" with extraordinary
power. The most ambitious hailed them as a people destined to bring
peace and justice to the earth. More modest visions still imagined
them as likely to shape the twentieth century. Dreamworlds of
Race explores this remarkable moment in the intellectual
history of racial domination, political utopianism, and world
order. Focusing on a quartet of extraordinary figures-Andrew
Carnegie, W. T. Stead, Cecil J. Rhodes, and H. G. Wells-Duncan Bell
shows how unionists on both sides of the Atlantic reimagined
citizenship, empire, patriotism, race, war, and peace in their
quest to secure global supremacy. Yet even as they dreamt of an
Anglo-dominated world, the unionists disagreed over the meaning of
race, the legitimacy of imperialism, the nature of political
belonging, and the ultimate form and purpose of unification. The
racial dreamworld was an object of competing claims and fantasies.
Exploring speculative fiction as well as more conventional forms of
political writing, Bell reads unionist arguments as expressions of
the utopianism circulating through fin-de-siècle Anglo-American
culture, and juxtaposes them with pan-Africanist critiques of
racial domination and late twentieth-century fictional narratives
of Anglo-American empire. Tracing how intellectual elites promoted
an ambitious project of political and racial unification between
Britain and the United States, Dreamworlds of Race
analyzes ideas of empire and world order that reverberate to this
day.
Covering more than four decades of American social and political history,The Loneliness of the Black Republicanexamines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and ...politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement-even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism-not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests.
As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position-they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the GOP. In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. And yet, there was also a measure of irony to black Republicans' "loneliness": at various points, factions of the Republican Party, such as the Nixon administration, instituted some of the policies and programs offered by black party members. What's more, black Republican initiatives, such as the fair housing legislation of senator Edward Brooke, sometimes garnered support from outside the Republican Party, especially among the black press, Democratic officials, and constituents of all races. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way.
The Loneliness of the Black Republicanprovides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.
This perspective essay explores Gasman & Arroyo's (2014) HBCU-inspired framework for Black student success as a prism for re-envisioning LIS education. In response to calls for anti-hegemonic LIS ...education, the authors discuss a potential tool for Black student success and suggest its benefits to LIS education. The framework can introduce non-white, anti-racist educational practices to the work of educating the U.S. library workforce; it is relevant in light of ongoing racial and political strife in U.S. society.
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
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