How transatlantic thinkers in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries promoted the unification of Britain and
the United States Between the late nineteenth century and
the First World War ...an ocean-spanning network of prominent
individuals advocated the unification of Britain and the United
States. They dreamt of the final consolidation of the Angloworld.
Scholars, journalists, politicians, businessmen, and science
fiction writers invested the "Anglo-Saxons" with extraordinary
power. The most ambitious hailed them as a people destined to bring
peace and justice to the earth. More modest visions still imagined
them as likely to shape the twentieth century. Dreamworlds of
Race explores this remarkable moment in the intellectual
history of racial domination, political utopianism, and world
order. Focusing on a quartet of extraordinary figures-Andrew
Carnegie, W. T. Stead, Cecil J. Rhodes, and H. G. Wells-Duncan Bell
shows how unionists on both sides of the Atlantic reimagined
citizenship, empire, patriotism, race, war, and peace in their
quest to secure global supremacy. Yet even as they dreamt of an
Anglo-dominated world, the unionists disagreed over the meaning of
race, the legitimacy of imperialism, the nature of political
belonging, and the ultimate form and purpose of unification. The
racial dreamworld was an object of competing claims and fantasies.
Exploring speculative fiction as well as more conventional forms of
political writing, Bell reads unionist arguments as expressions of
the utopianism circulating through fin-de-siècle Anglo-American
culture, and juxtaposes them with pan-Africanist critiques of
racial domination and late twentieth-century fictional narratives
of Anglo-American empire. Tracing how intellectual elites promoted
an ambitious project of political and racial unification between
Britain and the United States, Dreamworlds of Race
analyzes ideas of empire and world order that reverberate to this
day.
Covering more than four decades of American social and political history,The Loneliness of the Black Republicanexamines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and ...politicians, from the era of the New Deal to Ronald Reagan's presidential ascent in 1980. Their unique stories reveal African Americans fighting for an alternative economic and civil rights movement-even as the Republican Party appeared increasingly hostile to that very idea. Black party members attempted to influence the direction of conservatism-not to destroy it, but rather to expand the ideology to include black needs and interests.
As racial minorities in their political party and as political minorities within their community, black Republicans occupied an irreconcilable position-they were shunned by African American communities and subordinated by the GOP. In response, black Republicans vocally, and at times viciously, critiqued members of their race and party, in an effort to shape the attitudes and public images of black citizens and the GOP. And yet, there was also a measure of irony to black Republicans' "loneliness": at various points, factions of the Republican Party, such as the Nixon administration, instituted some of the policies and programs offered by black party members. What's more, black Republican initiatives, such as the fair housing legislation of senator Edward Brooke, sometimes garnered support from outside the Republican Party, especially among the black press, Democratic officials, and constituents of all races. Moving beyond traditional liberalism and conservatism, black Republicans sought to address African American racial experiences in a distinctly Republican way.
The Loneliness of the Black Republicanprovides a new understanding of the interaction between African Americans and the Republican Party, and the seemingly incongruous intersection of civil rights and American conservatism.
This perspective essay explores Gasman & Arroyo's (2014) HBCU-inspired framework for Black student success as a prism for re-envisioning LIS education. In response to calls for anti-hegemonic LIS ...education, the authors discuss a potential tool for Black student success and suggest its benefits to LIS education. The framework can introduce non-white, anti-racist educational practices to the work of educating the U.S. library workforce; it is relevant in light of ongoing racial and political strife in U.S. society.
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DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
This paper aims: (1) to draw attention to relational and political understandings of happiness in education discourses and their implications for remedying racial and social inequalities and ...suffering, and (2) to illustrate how unhappiness and suffering might offer valuable ethical, political and pedagogic lessons on the limits of the promise of happiness in social justice education. The analysis draws on Sara Ahmed's work to theorise multiculturalism and racial equality as 'happy objects', namely, as objects towards which good feelings are directed and bad feelings are rejected. In particular, the paper analyses how those discourses operate to fabricate particular meanings for (un)happiness, especially in relation to how they address racial and social inequalities and suffering more generally. Bringing the differentiated affects of individuals and groups into the frame of analysis of (un)happiness in social justice education paves the way for challenging the happinisation of education that we are still witnessing.
In 1957, the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a pacifist Christian group, published a comic book entitled Martin Luther King and The Montgomery Story. This document has received some attention in ...recent years in light of Congressman John Lewis' recent comic series March, which was inspired by this 1957 work. While there has been some discussion of its creation, there has been less discussion about the comic book as a format for promotion of particular views of Christian activism and movement gender roles. FOR was founded in the WWI era, and advocated for Christian pacifist views in both of the World Wars. In the United States, it worked to help conscientious objectors and to build labor and social movements. Members of FOR, such as James Farmer, were significant in the formation of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). In the postwar era, FOR became active in civil rights. Members associated with the organization often worked on civil rights campaigns including the Montgomery bus boycott. It was as a result of this involvement that FOR published the comic book on King's life. The comic book serves to solidify the movement's adherence to Christian principles and to nonviolence. The work also emphasizes the importance of the church as an institution, particular versions of ministry, loving one's neighbor, an image of God as the ultimate defender and protector as well as provides the readers with gendered examples of respectable activism.
This paper presents an account of the experience developed by the university extension project "In Peace: Strategies for the Promotion of Racial and Gender Equality in Schools" of the ULBRA Social ...Service Course. We carried out a contextualization of racism in Brazil, presenting notes on the impacts of enslavement to the socio-historical development of the country and for the consolidation of the full citizenship of this segment. Next, we proposed some reflection on the culture of peace and the school role in the promotion of racial equality. The work with high school students focused on the deconstruction of some myths about racism, racial democracy and racial discrimination. This activity has shown positive results, especially regarding the involvement of young people in the discussion of the themes proposed. These results point to the potential of the school to transform racial relations in Brazil.
Este trabalho apresenta um relato da experiência desenvolvida pelo projeto de extensão universitária “Na Paz: Estratégias para a Promoção da Igualdade Racial e de Gênero nas Escolas”, do Curso de Serviço Social da ULBRA. Realizamos uma contextualização do racismo no Brasil, trazendo apontamentos sobre os impactos da escravização para o desenvolvimento sócio-histórico do país e para a consolidação da cidadania plena deste segmento. Em seguida, apresentamos uma reflexão sobre a cultura de paz e o papel da escola na promoção da igualdade racial. O trabalho com alunos do Ensino Médio aposta na desconstrução de alguns mitos sobre racismo, democracia racial e discriminação racial. Esta atividade tem apresentado resultados positivos, especialmente no que se refere ao envolvimento dos jovens na discussão dos temas propostos. Esses resultados apontam para o potencial que a escola possui na transformação das relações raciais no Brasil.
Dad built a bomb shelter in the backyard, Mom stocked the
survival kit in the basement, and the kids practiced ducking under
their desks at school. This was family life in the new era of the
A-bomb. ...This was civil defense. In this provocative work of social
and political history, Laura McEnaney takes us into the secretive
world of defense planners and the homes of ordinary citizens to
explore how postwar civil defense turned the front lawn into the
front line. The reliance on atomic weaponry as a centerpiece of
U.S. foreign policy cast a mushroom cloud over everyday life.
American citizens now had to imagine a new kind of war, one in
which they were both combatants and targets. It was the Federal
Civil Defense Administration's job to encourage citizens to adapt
to their nuclear present and future. As McEnaney demonstrates, the
creation of a civil defense program produced new dilemmas about the
degree to which civilian society should be militarized to defend
itself against internal and external threats. Conflicts arose about
the relative responsibilities of state and citizen to fund and
implement a home-front security program. The defense
establishment's resolution was to popularize and privatize military
preparedness. The doctrine of "self-help" defense demanded that
citizens become autonomous rather than rely on the federal
government for protection. Families would reconstitute themselves
as paramilitary units that could quash subversion from within and
absorb attack from without. Because it solicited an unprecedented
degree of popular involvement, the FCDA offers a unique opportunity
to explore how average citizens, community leaders, and elected
officials both participated in and resisted the creation of the
national security state. Drawing on a wide variety of archival
sources, McEnaney uncovers the broad range of responses to this
militarization of daily life and reveals how government planners
and ordinary people negotiated their way at the dawn of the atomic
age. Her work sheds new light on the important postwar debate about
what total military preparedness would actually mean for American
society.
This book offers a historical analysis of one of the most striking and dramatic transformations to take place in Brazil and the United States during the twentieth century-the redefinition of the ...concepts of nation and democracy in racial terms. The multilateral political debates that occurred between 1930 and 1945 pushed and pulled both states towards more racially inclusive political ideals and nationalisms. Both countries utilized cultural production to transmit these racial political messages. At times working collaboratively, Brazilian and U.S. officials deployed the concept of "racial democracy" as a national security strategy, one meant to suppress the existential threats perceived to be posed by World War II and by the political agendas of communists, fascists, and blacks. Consequently, official racial democracy was limited in its ability to address racial inequities in the United States and Brazil.Shifting the Meaning of Democracy helps to explain the historical roots of a contemporary phenomenon: the coexistence of widespread antiracist ideals with enduring racial inequality.
Why did »equality« become prominent in European societies based on hierarchy during the Enlightenment? What does »equality« imply for societies, politics, or legal systems? The contributors to this ...volume draw on various historical case studies, from visionary practices in revolutionary France and the collection of data on the poor in 19th-century Germany, to claims raised under the minority regime of the League of Nations and the anti-discrimination politics of the UN and India. The dynamics of universalizing equality are contrasted with a concept asserting that equality must be limited to and by order. The contributions thus explore concepts of equality from the perspectives of history and law and show that practices of comparing were essential when it came to imagining others as equal, fighting discrimination, or scandalizing social inequalities.
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