The objective of this work is to study ways to analyze public governance digitalization in Russian regions in terms of political opportunities structure. In order to achieve the objective, the ...following methods were used: political indices analysis (EGDI, EPI, DESI, CPI, NRI, DAI, ‘Digital Russia’ index, digital literacy index), analysis of political power institutional designs in Russian regions, analysis of research works done by leading foreign and Russian sociologists and political scientists and devoted to public governance digitalization and allied subjects, analysis of core papers of such authors as C. Tilly, S. Tarrow and etc. Learning indices is conditioned by the need to define as large as possible number of public governance digitalization parameters, its inter relations and relevance to Russian political system. Appealing to investigations of digitalization researchers and works of C. Tilly, S. Tarrow constitutes a key part of this article, andthe authors’ concepts provide the or etical foundation of the research. Results of this research are expressed in a set of recommendations on including additional indicators for analysis of digital public governance political opportunities structure. These indicators represent whole plurality of political resources essential for gradual realization of public governance digitalization concept on regional level allowing for particular risks caused by public policy in a sub-federal entity. Summary of the study includes author’s notion about probable challenging or modernization of suggested variants of additional indicators in terms of other theoretical concepts and empirical data not included in this paper.
Third-party states consider the regional destabilization consequences of civil wars when deciding to intervene. However, previous work implicitly assumes that potential interveners base their ...intervention decisions solely on their links to the civil war country. This approach is unlikely to reflect the regional concerns of interested parties. When a civil war is increasingly likely to infect its surrounding region, potential interveners with strong interests in those states neighboring the conflict will be more likely to intervene to contain the violence. Thus, relationships outside the civil war state—intervener dyad are causally associated with intervention. To test these arguments, the author accounts for the contagious properties of civil wars and the regional interests of third parties, constructing dynamic measures to represent the contagion threat posed to third party regional interests. Analyses of these measures support the argument that third parties are increasingly likely to intervene as the risk of diffusion increasingly threatens their regional interests.
Целью исследования явилось изучение гендерных различий в региональной политике России на примере Республики Тыва и Республики Калмыкия. Материалами для анализа выступили списочные составы органов ...власти республик, а также результаты социологического исследования, проведенного методами глубинного и экспертного интервью в республиках в январе — марте 2022 г. по проблеме восприятия роли и потенциала женщин в региональной политике и власти. Экспертную часть участников интервью составляли общественно-политические деятели разных времен. Анализировались существующие гендерные стереотипы, оценки политического потенциала женщин в региональной политике, а также сопоставление позиций мужчин и женщин.
Пересчет состава руководства законодательных органов двух регионов, высших органов исполнительной власти, министерств показал, что количество активных женщин-политиков совсем незначительное. Выявлены региональные особенности — в Туве женщины в большей степени представлены в парламенте, в Калмыкии — в правительстве региона. Несмотря на высокую социально-экономическую активность женщин, более высокий уровень образования и в целом их численное преобладание, в обеих республиках достаточны сильны патриархальные взгляды на роль женщин в политике и гендерные стереотипы, согласно которым политика — мужская сфера.
Помимо гендерных стереотипов в рассматриваемых регионах сильны экономические и социально-психологические барьеры у самих женщин. Они не позволяют им более активно проявлять себя в региональной политике. В общественном мнении обеих республик очевидна неготовность к тому, что регионы могут возглавить женщины. Вместе с тем политический потенциал женщин более высоко оценивается в Калмыкии, чем в Туве. Этот факт подтвердился тем, что в сентябре 2022 г. Председателем Правительства Республики Калмыкия была назначена женщина.
Анализ высказываний респондентов-женщин показал, что женщины готовы «пожертвовать» карьерой, в том числе политической, ради семьи, а высказывания респондентов-мужчин подтверждают патриархальность тувинского и калмыцкого обществ.
Objetivo: analizar las declaraciones y actividades de algunos intelectuales santandereanos ante la crisis sociopolítica regional ocasionada por los conflictos violentos en la provincia de García ...Rovira, tras el cambio de gobierno nacional conservador a liberal. Metodología: a partir del estudio de los actos ilocutivos, propuesto por el historiador Quentin Skinner, este texto examina principalmente los motivos y las intenciones del intelectual bumangués Gustavo Otero Muñoz (1894-1957), en sus pronunciamientos en prensa, actos públicos y correspondencia, inherentemente vinculados con un contexto comunicativo beligerante. Así, revela qué fue lo que hizo Otero al decir lo que dijo e interconecta y analiza las controversias y las interpretaciones de otros actores relacionados en ese campo comunicativo regional-nacional en disputa. Originalidad: al analizar las interrelaciones entre prensa y correspondencia, se revela que lo político, lo intelectual y lo cultural no son realidades vivenciadas y estudiadas separadamente, sino experiencias humanas entretejidas por redes de significaciones, prácticas y representaciones que buscan la participación y la acción sociopolítica mediante diversos usos del lenguaje. Conclusiones: al tiempo con sus labores oficiales como secretarios de gobierno o diputados de la Asamblea departamental, ciertos intelectuales santandereanos acudieron a estrategias culturales, discursivas y simbólicas para asumir posturas ante la cotidianidad atroz de una guerra provincial y ante los comentarios de la prensa nacional. Decretos, libros y conmemoraciones en Santander fueron fundamentales en ese sentido.
Regional powers of the Global South are perceived to be agents of change. But what exactly is the nature of the change that they want? This article argues that there is some continuity between the ...goals of the current generation of regional leaders and that of their predecessors. The current generation tend to have more confidence in their ability to effect the redistribution of wealth, prestige, and power in the global political economy, though, and tend therefore to be more integrationist than the first generation of post-colonial leaders. The goal of redistribution is premised on a more fundamental unfinished struggle of developing countries, one that Brazil, India, and South Africa in particular have taken up. This is the struggle for recognition of developing countries as full and equal partners in the society of states, but also as states with specific development needs that are too easily ploughed-under in the spurious universality promoted by the developed North. The struggle for recognition focuses on inclusive multilateralism and ‘non-indifference’ towards the development needs of the Global South. Using recent contributions to the theory of recognition, the article interprets these two goals as linked to the unfinished struggle against disrespect and humiliation.
Kaum ein Politikfeld ist so heterogen zusammengesetzt, normativ aufgeladen und von symbolischen Handlungen geprägt wie die Kulturpolitik. Über die Funktionsweise dieses Feldes liegen bislang nur ...vereinzelte politikwissenschaftliche Studien vor. Michael Flohr wählt das selbsternannte »Kulturland Thüringen« als Fallbeispiel, um Handlungsfelder, Praktiken, Governance-Formen und Netzwerke in der Kulturpolitik zu untersuchen. Die Analyse stützt sich auf eine umfangreiche qualitative und quantitative Datenbasis und belegt: Kulturpolitik befindet sich in einer systemimmanenten Sinn- und Strukturkrise.
Having regard the political history of education and the cultural history of ideas, in this paper I propose to explain the way in which local power obtained political control from the University and ...and I also want to show the presence of Spanish conservative thought, following the ideas of José Ortega y Gasset and the Francoists about the «mission» of the University. For this, on the one hand I describe the configuration of the new Mexican State and in the regional political context, the political and cultural consolidation of the avilacamachista chiefdom. Then, in a second moment, I describe and analyze the organic laws of the University passed in 1937 and 1941 and their respective exhibitions of reasons. What interests me to emphasize in the conclusions is the permanence in the University of traditional cultural practices identified with conservative thinking, not only due to legislation that in 1941 was proposed to «copy» the Francoist university model, but also thanks to the predominance of a group of Catholic militants whose sympathies for Franco were evident and also because chiefdom was able to control and reduce the political influence of other groups. The article is based on interviews with survivors of the time, archival and printed sources and biblio-hemerographic references.
Considerando la historia política de la educación y la historia cultural de las ideas, en este artículo me propongo exponer la forma en que el poder local obtuvo el control político de la Universidad y también quiero mostrar la presencia del pensamiento conservador español, siguiendo las ideas de José Ortega y Gasset y los franquistas sobre la «misión» de la Universidad. Para esto, por una parte abordo la configuración del nuevo Estado mexicano y en el contexto político regional, la consolidación política y cultural del cacicazgo avilacamachista; luego, en un segundo momento, describo y analizo las leyes orgánicas de la Universidad aprobadas en 1937 y 1941 y sus respectivas exposiciones de motivos. Lo que me interesa subrayar en las conclusiones es la permanencia en la Universidad de las prácticas culturales tradicionales identificadas con el pensamiento conservador, no sólo debido a la legislación que en 1941 se propuso «copiar» el modelo de universidad franquista, sino también gracias al predominio de un grupo de militantes católicos cuyas simpatías por Franco eran evidentes y también porque el cacicazgo pudo controlar y reducir la influencia política de otros grupos. El documento se basa en entrevistas con sobrevivientes de la época, fuentes de archivo e impresas y referencias biblio-hemerográficas.
This article systematically investigates both regional and issue‐specific variation in external perceptions of the European Union (EU) as a global power and an international leader. While most ...studies on EU external perceptions focus on a one‐dimensional vision of EU leadership and/or great‐powerness, it is argued here that these perceptions are highly issue‐specific, multilayered and differentiating. This study draws on data collected through elite interviews in three regions: the Pacific, Southeast Asia and Africa. The findings make a contribution to the debate on the perception of third states on the international role of the EU.
