Why busing failed Delmont, Matthew F
2016., 20160301, 2016, 2016-03-01, Letnik:
42
eBook
In the decades after the landmarkBrown v. Board of EducationSupreme Court decision, busing to achieve school desegregation became one of the nation's most controversial civil rights issues.Why Busing ...Failedis the first book to examine the pitched battles over busing on a national scale, focusing on cities such as Boston, Chicago, New York, and Pontiac, Michigan. This groundbreaking book shows how school officials, politicians, the courts, and the media gave precedence to the desires of white parents who opposed school desegregation over the civil rights of black students.This broad and incisive history of busing features a cast of characters that includes national political figures such as then-president Richard Nixon, Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley, and antibusing advocate Louise Day Hicks, as well as some lesser-known activists on both sides of the issue-Boston civil rights leaders Ruth Batson and Ellen Jackson, who opposed segregated schools, and Pontiac housewife and antibusing activist Irene McCabe, black conservative Clay Smothers, and Florida governor Claude Kirk, all supporters of school segregation.Why Busing Failedshows how antibusing parents and politicians ultimately succeeded in preventing full public school desegregation.
Little rock Anderson, Karen
2010., 20131110, 2013, 2010, 2010-01-01, Letnik:
66
eBook
The desegregation crisis in Little Rock is a landmark of American history: on September 4, 1957, after the Supreme Court struck down racial segregation in public schools, Arkansas Governor Orval ...Faubus called up the National Guard to surround Little Rock Central High School, preventing black students from going in. On September 25, 1957, nine black students, escorted by federal troops, gained entrance. With grace and depth, Little Rock provides fresh perspectives on the individuals, especially the activists and policymakers, involved in these dramatic events. Looking at a wide variety of evidence and sources, Karen Anderson examines American racial politics in relation to changes in youth culture, sexuality, gender relations, and economics, and she locates the conflicts of Little Rock within the larger political and historical context.
Haenyeo or 'female divers' have been the livelihood of most women in Jeju since 1700 years ago. When Japan launched its capitalist action in Korea in the 1930s, the participation of the haenyeo was ...considered beneficial to the colonial economy because of their skills in collecting Jeju Island seafood. By using history method, this study tries to look at the track record of the haenyeo who had become symbols of Jeju's history and culture, as one of the agents who fought for the rights of the Jeju people during the Japanese imperialism period 1931-1932, when Japan exploitation on Jeju fishing sector had grown massive. This study also sees the important influence of enlightenment education in growing awareness and fighting spirit of the haenyeo, so that they were able to overcome their limitations as a subordinated group within the social and economic structure, to appear as agents capable of driving colonial resistance actions.Haenyeo atau ‘penyelam perempuan’ telah menjadi suatu mata pencaharian sebagian besar perempuan di Jeju sejak 1700 tahun yang lalu. Ketika Jepang melancarkan aksi kapitalismenya di Korea pada tahun 1930-an, partisipasi haenyeo dinilai menguntungkan perekonomian kolonial karena keterampilan mereka dalam mengumpulkan hasil laut Pulau Jeju. Dengan menggunakan metode sejarah dan studi literatur, penelitian ini mencoba melihat rekam jejak para haenyeo yang telah menjadi simbol sejarah dan kebudayaan Jeju, sebagai salah satu agen yang memperjuangkan hak rakyat Jeju pada masa imperialisme Jepang 1931-1932, ketika eksploitasi Jepang di sektor perikanan Jeju semakin masif. Penelitian ini juga melihat adanya pengaruh penting pendidikan pencerahan dalam menumbuhkan kesadaran dan semangat juang para haenyeo, sehingga mereka mampu meretas keterbatasan mereka sebagai golongan yang tersubordinasi dalam struktur sosial dan ekonomi, untuk tampil sebagai agen yang mampu memotori aksi resistensi kolonial.
The city of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) has various socially and historically marginalized areas, such as peripheral neighborhoods and favelas, which lack traditional leisure and cultural spaces. These ...areas are often seen as subaltern, neglected by the state, and not sufficiently contemplated in public policies. Consequently, local inhabitants frequently have to come up with improvised solutions, using their own resources to design and build sociocultural spaces. While much has been written about the practice of self-building in favelas, not enough research has been done from the urban planning/urban studies perspective pairing this practice with the decolonial theory hailing from South America. This article aims to frame the collective self-building of sociocultural spaces in favelas as a type of “insubordinate planning.” The concept of “insubordinate planning” is suggested here as part of a broader decolonial toolbox, regularly used by marginalized urban communities to persist and ensure their right to the city. To illustrate the connection between self-building, sociocultural spaces, insubordinate planning, and decolonial theory, the case study of the Sitiê Park in the Vidigal Favela is presented. This study was conducted through ethnography for a year and proves that decolonial principles are intrinsic to favela dwellers when it comes to building persistent spaces.
Harmony with nature, pristine countryside, organic farming, a vegan diet, renewable energy, sustainable development. This imagery tends to be associated with ‘green liberal’ environmentalist ...movements and more broadly, left-wing political ideologies. However, concern for the environment and warnings about the imminent climate crisis are gaining traction within far-right and white supremacist movements. This article focuses on the revival of white supremacist environmentalism based on a qualitative text analysis of an English-language manifesto published by the violent extremist neo-Nazi Nordic Resistance Movement. Drawing on the concept of axiological cosmologies from Legitimation Code Theory and the Appraisal framework from Systemic Functional Linguistics, this paper shows how an ecofascist ideology is built up through clusters of meanings that reinforce neo-Nazi grievances such as ‘global Zionism’, ‘mass immigration’ and multiculturalism. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of what the promotion of eco-fascist ‘solutions’ to the climate crisis could mean for climate justice from a human rights perspective and preventing violent extremism from an educational perspective.
The article deals with the issue of Francois Mitterrand's activities during the Second World War. In June 1940, near Verden, he was also wounded and, while undergoing treatment in a military ...hospital, was taken prisoner by the Germans, was sent to a prisoner of war camp near Schwalmstadt, where he made several attempts to escape. One of the attempts, in December 1941, was successful. From January 1942, Mitterrand began working for the Vichy regime, in the propaganda department of the Legion of French Fighters and Volunteers of the National Revolution, later in the Commissariat for the Integration of Prisoners of War into Peaceful Life. He turned out to be quite loyal and moderate Vichy. Marshal Pétain awarded Francois Mitterrand the Order of Francis for his service to France and its people. In 1943, Mitterrand joined the secret Army Resistance Organization, which united former French soldiers who decided to actively resist the occupiers of France, but initially rejected de Gaulle. François Mitterrand participated in the liberation of Paris in August 1944. From the very beginning of the uprising in Paris, Mitterrand held the vacant post of general secretary for prisoners of war. The Second World War becomes for Mitterrand the cornerstone of his future political development. The purpose of the article is to reveal the features of the political career of Francois Mitterrand. His presidency is one of the longest in French history. The article attempts to characterize scientific research and documentary materials on the biography of Francois Mitterrand during the war.
This study aims to reveal the niqab as a protest movement and an instrument of regeneration (salafization) for Salafi Muslim women in Indonesia. The niqab has been one of the important symbols in the ...Salafi Islamic movement and has been the main dress for Salafi Muslim women. This study is of importance since the existing niqab studies are more related to religious identity, culture, motivation, stigma, and stereotypes. Data in this phenomenological research were obtained through interviews, observations, and documentation involving the niqab-wearing women from Salafi Islam activists at Majlis Ta’lim Al-Izzah of Pekalongan and Pondok Pesantren SJR Al-Salafy of Yogyakarta. The data were then analyzed with the Moustakas’ model. This study has shown that the niqab in the internal circle of Salafi Islam has a plural meaning. Among Salafi Muslims, it not only functions as a cultural identity or a symbol of piety in religion but also holds the spirit of protest, resistance, struggle, and an instrument of da’wah to expand the influence of Salafi ideology. That is, the niqab has become a symbol of resistance to both the hegemony of religiosity and the established dressing culture for Indonesian Muslim women. It is also a symbol of the struggle towards the kaffah Islam and an essential instrument for the regeneration of Salafi Islam. Overall, the niqab phenomenon in Indonesia indicates that the salafization in Indonesian Islam has been running in a structured, massive, and sustainable way.
This article examines the underlying political economy context of the uneven development outcomes in post-conflict Timor-Leste. We use a modified version of a structural political economy approach ...that is situated in a Gramscian understanding of the state-society relationship. This approach conceptualises development as a process of historically specific class-based and gender-based contestations over the distribution of resources that result in particular forms of socio-political orders maintained through a combination of institutional and ideological mechanisms of wealth generation. Our analysis of whose interests have been prioritised and marginalised in post-independence Timor-Leste is based on a systematic examination of three major factors: regulation of class relations, organisation of gender relations, and the governance of the petroleum industry. We conclude that despite some important improvements in the formation of formal democratic institutions in Timor-Leste, the processes of the distribution of power and access to resources remain far from being inclusive prioritising a class-based group of male-dominant elites that manipulates institutions to advance their interests and use a hegemonic gender ideology to justify and maintain these existing unequal arrangements in the prevailing socio-political order. Thus, the development outcomes in Timor-Leste are strongly connected to the political-economic processes from a larger historical perspective.
Attempts of the Soviet political intelligence service to penetrate the Russian emigration in Yugoslavia / Kingdom SHS had been made since the twenties mainly in the capital of the Kingdom. In that ...period, the left-wing Zemgor organization began to operate in the Kingdom, led by Vladimir I. Lebedev and Fedor E. Mahin. In the same period, red Moscow tried to create illegal contacts with the federalists in Montenegro and with the former members of „Black Hand” in Serbia. Another attempt to penetrate was made through Russian educational institutions, primarily the Russian-Serbian high school in Belgrade. Two of its first directors Vladimir D. Pletnjov and Ivan M. Malinjin get acquainted with the members of “Black Hand” even before 1917, and in Belgrade they actively protected leftist students and teachers in school. The organizers and core staff of the Union of Soviet Patriots, an emigrant illegal organization during the Second World War, emerged from the ranks of school students. The Soviet military intelligence service began to operate in Yugoslavia only from the beginning of the Second World War (more precisely, until the arrival of the Soviet military attaché in Belgrade. The political intelligence service (INO NKVD) began its operations much earlier, and concentrated its activities against the Russian. There are two figures connected to the NKVD activities in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: Fedor Mahin and Leonid Linitsky. When F. Mahin arrived to the Supreme Headquarters of the NOVJ in 1942, he contacted Moscow and mentioned his old relations with the NKVD through “Vladimir Pravdin”. It was Roland Abbiat (Roland Abbiat) who managed the bar “Pti Pari” in Belgrade from the spring of 1933 to the summer of 1937 while he was an illegal resident of the NKVD.
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