U tekstu se pomoću teorije nacionalizma analiziraju temeljne ideje konzervativne revolucije. To se čini rekonstrukcijom osnovnih teza političke misli Thomasa Manna, Arthura Moellera van den Brucka, ...Ernsta Jüngera, Oswalda Spenglerai Carla Schmitta. Analizira se način na koji se tumačio odnos jezika i nacije, rata i nacije, liberalizma i nacije, te odnos nacije spram Zapada. Pokazalo se da se smatralo da se u jeziku zrcali duh nacije, da se rat smatrao temeljem nacionalnog identiteta, da se liberalizam smatrao glavnim idejnim neprijateljem njemačkog nacionalnog identiteta te da se odbacivao Zapad, a hvalili Rusija i Dostojevski. Zaključeno je da su osnovu ideologije konzervativne revolucije činili njemački nacionalizam i odbacivanje liberalizma. Istaknuto je da su konzervativni revolucionari zagovarali diktaturu, ali ne i povratak na stari režim monarhije, nego autoritarnu konzervativnu utopiju. Utopijske značajke konzervativne revolucije i danas čine njezine ideje privlačnima radikalnoj desnici.
The text uses the theory of nationalism to analyse the basic ideas of the conservative revolution. This is done through the reconstruction of the basic theses of the political thought of Thomas Mann, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Ernst Jünger, Oswald Spengler, and Carl Schmitt. The analysis is focused on the way in which the relationship between language and nation, war and nation, liberalism and nation, and the nation’s relationship with the West were interpreted. It can be concluded that language was considered to reflect the spirit of the nation, that war was considered as the foundation of national identity, that liberalism was considered to be the main ideological enemy of German national identity, and that the West was rejected while Russia and Dostoevsky were praised. According to this analysis, it can be stated that the German nationalism and the rejection of liberalism were the basis of the ideology of the conservative revolution. Finally, it can be pointed out that though conservative revolutionaries advocated dictatorship, they didn’t advocate a return to the old regime of the monarchy, but an authoritarian conservative utopia. Precisely because of the utopian features of the conservative revolution, its ideas are still appealing to the radical right.
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S obzirom na znanstveni razvoj, psihoanaliza je uspoređivana s kopernikanskom ili darvinovskom revolucijom. Freud je svoje ime uvrstio u poznatu usporedbu s Kopernikom i Darwinom uvodeći pojam triju ...udaraca čovjekovu narcizmu, određujući svoje otkriće psihoanalize kao najopasniji posljednji udarac. Rad ispituje mogući kontinuitet serije najvećih znanstvenih revolucija u Jacquesa Derridaa i Slavoja Žižeka. Derrida je Koperniku, Darwinu i Freudu dodao ime Karla Marxa kao četvrti, remeteći udarac, određujući ga ‘u ime revolucije’ kao znatno goreg, postavljajući nas kao Marxove nasljednike u položaj duga i žalovanja. Derrida je iskoristio svoje frojdovsko čitanje Marxova udarca u kontekstu užasa oktobarske revolucije, staljinizma, holokausta i dr., dok je Slavoj Žižek, također povezujući Freuda i Marxa, ispitao nasljedstvo Kopernika, Darwina i Freuda pomoću ‘mnogih drugih’. Članak se usmjerava na Žižekovu ideju ‘mnogih drugih’, u kontekst stavljajući Lacanov povratak Freudu i prolongirajući ga u kontekstu feminističke revolucije. Zaključuje se da se Žižekovo obrazloženje Lacanova povratka Freuda bez i iza lacanovskog feminističko-psihoanalitičkog inzistiranja na središnjosti seksualne razlike može razumjeti kao Žižekova nedovršena kopernikanska revolucija.
Regarding scientific development, psychoanalysis has been compared to the Copernican and Darwinian revolution. Freud has added his name to the
well-established comparison of Copernicus and Darwin by introducing his
notion of three blows to man’s narcissism, defining his discovery of psychoanalysis as the most dangerous last blow. The presentation examines the possible continuation of the series of the biggest scientific revolution in Jacques Derrida and Slavoj Žižek. Derrida has added to Copernicus, Darwin and Freud the name of Karl Marx as the fourth, disrupting one, defining his blow ‘in the name of the revolution’ as a much worse one, putting us today as Marx’s heirs in the
position of debt and mourning. Derrida used the Freudian reading of Marx’s blow concerning the horrors of the October revolution, Stalinism,
holocaust etc., while Slavoj Žižek – also relating Freud to Marx – examined the succession of Copernicus, Darwin and Freud by ‘many others’. The presentation focuses on Žižek’s idea of these ‘many others’, putting it in the context of Lacan’s return to Freud and prolonging it regarding the feminist revolution. The conclusion is made that Žižek’s elaboration of Lacan’s return of Freud, without and beyond the Lacanian feminist-psychoanalytic insistence on the centrality of sexual difference, can be understood as Žižek’s unfinished Copernican revolution.
U radu se na temelju novih izvora rekonstruira djelovanje Antuna Danijela Josipovića tijekom revolucionarnih događanja 1848. i 1849. godine te odnos hrvatske politike i javnosti prema njemu. Antun ...Danijel Josipović bio je tijekom 1840-ih, za vrijeme žestokih političkih sukoba između iliraca (narodnjaka) i promađarskih pristalica u Hrvatskoj, vođa turopoljskog seljačkog plemstva, koje je pristajalo uz
Horvatsko-vugersku stranku
, a od 1845. bio je i jedan od vođa te stranke. Isticao se svojim angažmanom u konkretnim političkim akcijama poput agitacije i organiziranja plemstva pri izborima za službe u zagrebačkoj županiji, ali i svojim promišljanjima o hrvatsko-ugarskom savezu, koja je artikulirao u svojim saborskim nastupima. Josipović je kao od ranije poznati pristalica Mađara Hrvatsku napustio već krajem travnja 1848. godine i otišao u Mađarsku. U Mađarskoj je aktivno podupirao mađarsku revoluciju te je zbog toga nakon njezina sloma uhićen, i to tek 1850. godine, tj. nakon nešto više od pola godine bijega. Na peštanskom vojnom sudu osuđen je na smrt zbog veleizdaje, a zatim je općom amnestijom 1860. pušten na slobodu i više se nije politički aktivirao.
On basis of new sources, the paper's author reconstructs the activities of Antun Danijel Josipović during the revolutionary events in 1848 and 1949, and the attitude of the Croatian political government and the public towards him. During the fierce political clashes in Croatia between the Illyrians (People’s Party) and the pro-Hungarians, Antun Danijel Josipović was the leader of the Turopolje region’s peasant nobility leaning towards the “Horvatsko-vugerska stranka” (Croatian-Hungarian Party). From 1845 he was also one of the leaders of the said party. He stood out with his participation in concrete political activities such as campaigning and organizing the nobility during elections for posts in the Zagreb County, but also with his views on the Croatian-Hungarian alliance, which he described in his public parliament presentations. As a person already known to be pro-Hungarian, Josipović left Croatia as early as the end of April, 1848, and settled in Hungary. In Hungary he actively supported the Hungarian revolution, and was consequently arrested after its failure, and that was as late as in 1850; i.e. more than half a year after having fled. He was sentenced to death for treason by the Budapest military court, and was afterwards released in 1860 on basis of a general amnesty. He was never again politically active.
U radu se vrši analiza relacija između umetničke i socijalne revolucije u Rusiji na početku XX veka. Jedno od ključnih pitanja u radu je mesto i uloga avangardne umetnosti u društvu i društvenoj ...organizaciji nadolazećeg totalitarnog režima. Tumačeći umetničke strategije i metode ruske revolucionarne prakse postavljaju se hipoteze kako je savez umetnika avangarde i političkih revolucionara nastao, koliko je trajao i kako je izgledao. Umetničke i socijalne utopije ruske avangarde razlikovale su se od totalitarne komunističke utopije. U radu se naročito ističe kakvi kompromisi su bili nužni za opstanak saveza avangarde i totalitarnog režima.
Through the personality, work and texts of historians Mirjana Gross and Eric Hobsbawm, this paper tries to compare their professional, methodological, but also ideological starting points, their ...influence in the context of time, especially the second half and the end of the 20th century, when historiography was undergoing major transformations and an attempt was made to constitute itself as a full-fledged social science while preserving its own critical position and autonomy. It also went through the antithetical dance between modernity and tradition, revolution and longue durée, both as phenomena and historiographical approaches. Gross and Hobsbawm, due to similar scientific ambitions, long professional experience and personal longevity, also because of thematic similarities (movements, revolutions, ideologies, nations, nationalisms, etc.), their (Central) European cultural formation and finally involvement in international theoretical and methodological debates, are the best subjects for possible comparative insights, especially in the framework of Croatian historiography, where otherwise there is a lack of similar comparison between historians.
The paper considers the possibility of rethinking and practising revolutionary politics in contemporaneity, through a look at the legacy of 20th-century revolutionary thought-practice and ...revolutionary events in the 21st century, which experiment with the constitution of revolutionary power without seizing the governmental power. Going from the historical situation, that the revolution “eats its children”, I argue that a true revolution does not mean taking power, but on the contrary, abolishing the instance of concentrated power. The revolution must be reconceived and put on the map of history as an emancipatory process of establishing a policy of equality, which is the creation of a universal space of politics for ‘all’ or ‘anyone’ without the Other. This presupposes the conceptualisation and redefinition of the revolutionary subject, the revolutionary method, and the revolutionary organization.
Cilj rada je istražiti procese dekonstrukcije institucije socijalne države pod utjecajem novih izazova kao što su ekonomska globalizacija i tehnološka revolucija. Rad se temelji na metodološkim ...alatima neoinstitucionalizma. Utvrđeni su glavni egzogeni i endogeni uzroci krize institucije socijalne države. Ekonomska globalizacija i tehnološki napredak svrstani su među odlučujuće čimbenike koji uzrokuju dekonstrukciju socijalne države. Sve socijalne države, bez obzira na njihov model, sada se reformiraju putem aktiviranja radno sposobnih osoba i stvaranja države socijalnih ulaganja. Primjećuje se da danas konfiguraciju socijalne države određuje njezin fokus na poticanje konkurencije i razvoj samoinicijative stanovnika glede osiguravanja vlastite dobrobiti. Naglašava se da ekonomsku globalizaciju i tehnološki napredak ne treba sagledavati samo kroz rizike za socijalnu državu. Ova su dva čimbenika utvrđena kao poticaji za daljnji razvoj institucije socijalne države kako bi se prevladalo njeno dugotrajnije stagniranje i kako bi se ona sačuvala kao politička institucija, ali u obnovljenom modelu.
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The book (' The Energy Needs Of Humanity Through Time: From The Industrial Revolution To Type I Civilization') is about global consumption of energy and its impact on our planet. Energy demand is a ...quite dynamic phenomenon and depends heavily on technological development, which is particularly evident during industrial revolutions, which had improved the quality of life for the inhabitants, but lead to increase in energy consumption. However~the economic progress did not account for tangible physical limits of our planet, which manifested in rise in greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere and a rapid increase in average annual global temperature. The consequences of this type of behavior are clear – future global warming, rising sea levels and direct threat to vast, low-lying areas, as well as a rapid increase in the number and consequences of extreme weather events such as storms, prolonged rainfall, and the like. A path toward less energy intense future requires rapid reductions of fossil fuels usage but also a radical shift towards larger energy efficiency. The book is intended as a source of key data showing how we have arrived at the current state of energy consumption and understanding of climate change.
Revolution is one of the central categories in the Praxis Philosophy. According to Gajo Petrović, revolution is the most authentic form of freedom and the most genuine human praxis as well as the ...truth and a deep need of our time if a human wants to stay and entirely become a human (Filozofija prakse Philosophy of praxis). A similar understanding is offered by Milan Kangrga who sees revolution as a necessary condition for overcoming the horizon of the present world. In this paper, I show how far did they go in crossing the narrow frames of the interpretation of Marx’s concept of revolution as merely political and/or social event.
Umjetna inteligencija Prister, Vladimir
Media, culture and public relations (Online),
03/2019, Letnik:
10, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Prikazan je kratki povijesni uvod u sve četiri industrijske revolucije.
Autor prikazuje sedam segmenata 4. industrijske revolucije zbog njihove
važnosti. Rad opisuje neke vrlo važne aspekte umjetne ...inteligencije (UI) i njihov utjecaj. Navedeni primjeri složenog odnosa stroj – čovjek (IBM Deep Blue – Garry Kasparov i IBM Watson). Naglašena je važnost konferencije Dartmouth, Hanover, New Hampshire, 1956. Velike mogućnosti prikazane su i primjerom humanoidnog robota Atlas (Boston Dynamics – DARPA). Na kraju, daje se primjer Japana koji se bori za primat na ovom vrlo zanimljivom polju.
An short historical introduction on all of four industrial revolution are presented.
The author displays seven segments of 4. industrial revolution because of
their importance. The article describes some very important aspects of the artificial
intelligence (AI) & their impact. Mentioned examples of complex relationship
between machine – man (IBM Deep Blue and IBM Watson). Emphasized
the importance of the Dartmouth Confrence in Hanover, New Hampshire, 1956.
The great opportunities presented by the example of the Atlas humanloid robot
(Boston Dynamics – DARPA). Finally, there is an example of Japan that fights
for primacy in this very interesting field.
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