Several employee changes in the engineering and construction services industry are presented. These include the appointment of Nick Salt as CEO of French transportation consultant Systra in UK, ...promotion of Branden Derks to senior vice president a ISEC Inc, and John Doerr to executive vice president at Tarlton Corp.
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This chapter explores the dilemmas of religious freedom for a very different colonized population: the indigenous people whose dispossession marked the very foundation of the United States as a ...settler-colonial society. It explores the limited utility of this ideal for Native Americans in the 1890 Ghost Dance, the Indian Shaker churches of the Pacific Northwest, and the Peyote movement that institutionalized as the Native American Church. While religious freedom claims sometimes served indigenous assertions of cultural and political self-determination, Native people often found their traditions transformed in the process. Across these movements, Indians found their religious freedom claims limited by the cultural biases and coercive structures of settler-colonial rule.
A Spring USDA 2019 Economic Research bulletin prophesied: “Pecan production is expected to be the smallest in nearly a decade with 221.2 million pounds (utilized in-shell basis), a drop of 27 percent ...from the previous year on reduced bearing acreage and lower yield.” STORAGE BINS STILL PACKED With Western growers keeping an eye on the calendar awaiting first frost that will send mechanical shakers into the orchards, many cold storage bins remain packed with a crop that has yet to find a destination, far from the 2012-2018 period that saw Arizona pecan production increase by nearly 25 percent, from 22 to 28 million pounds a year --- an increase in production predicated on an increase in global demand and markets to sell to. “When you have a government policy that’s destroying markets by changing existing relationships and supply chains, it will take a long time to build back customer confidence and the ripple effect of returning to a previous level of stability won’t happen quickly.”
Taking an industrial engineering approach helps to ensure individual bartenders have everything the)' need - from bottles and taps to shakers, glassware and garnishes - within easy reach to serve the ...most drinks in the least time. For shaken cocktails, the bartender's side of the rail includes setting up and possibly chilling the glass with ice and water; grabbing a jigger; filling a tin with ice; picking up a bottle and pouring; shaking; dumping the water and ice used to chill the glass; transferring the drink to a glass; finishing/garnishing; dumping ice from the tin; and rinsing the tin or accessing a clean one to move on to the next cocktail. For cockpit-style stations on a front bar, positioning a dump sink to the right of each bartender's station can greatly improve efficiency. Finding storage increasingly becomes a challenge with various specialty beers and drinks each calling for a unique serving glass, and many bars also matching various wines to appropriate glassware.
Merkel's time as general secretary between November 1998 and April 2000 was overshadowed by the aforementioned party finance scandal and will always be understood as merely a necessary stage toward ...the party chairmanship. When Merkel became chair of the CDU in April 2000, she was probably at the peak of her popularity in her party. However, as chair of the CDU she was also the party's "natural" candidate for chancellorship in the next election, which was due in the fall of 2002. For Merkel this proved to be a major challenge as she still had to prove that her ascent to the top of the CDU was not just due to pure luck and the benevolence of Lothar de Maizière, Gunter Krause, Helmut Kohl, Wolfgang Schauble, and others. The most powerful competitor, Edmund Stoiber,7 still belittled her in 2004 as an "ordinary seaman" (Leichtmatrose) and publicly believed her to be no match for the incumbent chancellor, Gerhard Schroder. Quite accurately, Evelyn Roll likened her position during those years to a queen without a country.8 She had never been prime minister in a state, she lacked the support of a strong state party, and the parliamentary party was led by Friedrich Merz who was to become one of her party's fiercest and most outspoken opponents. Yet, she was able to compensate for these deficits. The way she prevented her fall in 2002 once again showed her abilities as a political strategist. It was almost certain that the respective party committees that were to make the decision would pick Edmund Stoiber as candidate because his chances of winning the election were regarded as higher. If such a decision had been made Merkel would have had to step down as chair as well. In a daring move, she visited Stoiber at his home and "voluntarily" offered him the candidacy before the committees could meet. She thus avoided her toppling and saved herself the leadership in the CDU. Stoiber lost the election in 2002 and Merkel got her shot for chancellorship in 2005. In the federal election on 18 September 2005 Angela Merkel achieved a "landslide victory." This crooked metaphor adequately captures the ambiguous result of the election for Merkel and the two Christian parties. Even though the CDU/CSU has become the strongest party in parliament the two parties did poorly in this election. As a matter of fact, it was one of the worst results for the CDU/CSU since 1949. Still, Merkel was astute enough to turn her and her party's "defeat" into a success and foster her claim for chancellorship. She quickly got herself reconfirmed as leader of the parliamentary party of the CDU/CSU and successfully suppressed debates about the party's losses in the election. In addition, by proposing a grand coalition and entering into negotiations with the SPD she was able to close ranks before her leadership could be questioned. In the end the election has brought Merkel the longed-for chancellorship. She will be written up in the history books as the first female chancellor and the first chancellor from East Germany. Yet Merkel has reached the top in German politics in spite of herself. Compared to the election in 2002, Merkel did worse than Stoiber in each important electoral group. She received fewer votes than Stoiber in East Germany, from women, and from protestants. Considering that Stoiber never was popular among these groups in the first place it is the more telling that Merkel failed to capitalize on her personal assets and to appeal to electoral groups she was supposed to mobilize better than Stoiber. At the same time she promoted a party platform that turned out to be too neoliberal for the party's core electorate. The platform neither appealed to traditional voters nor took the basic values of the CDU/CSU (e.g. family, religion) specifically into consideration; rather it proposed radical reforms of the social security system, the tax system, and the labour market. By adopting and promoting these reform projects she moved the party out of the centre and away from the middle classes. The question arises, therefore, whether the two Christian parties will remain catch-all parties and will continue to be able to integrate different electoral groups. :
Blim general director Sandoval, who also managed Grupo Televisa SAB's over-the-top platform VEO, was appointed general director of subscription video-on-demand service Blim in 2016. Globosat manager ...of digital platforms Under Nava's watch, Globosat Play, the live and on-demand service of Grupo Globo's Globosat, reported 2.6 million registered users in June and 4.5 million downloads of its iOS and Android apps. Crackle vice president and general manager Rivera-Font was key to the success of Crackle, a streaming service from Sony Corp. unit Sony Pictures Television, which began on an ad-supported model and later became an authenticated service offered by pay TV operators.
"If you are popular in Ottawa, maybe you are not doing your job," he said. Fortunately, he continued, "Michael Wilson is not worried about popularity, and he is not running for anything." As for ...advice, Allan Gotlieb said he told Wilson always to weigh his words carefully and be cautious, adding that Wilson "is the last person who needs that advice." "Derek Burney and Michael are very like-minded on the management of Canada-US relations," concludes Wilson's former cabinet colleague Barbara McDougall. "They see the paramountcy of Canada-US relations and they both worked on the free trade file, so they know where the bodies are buried and they know the hot-button vulnerabilities in the relationship." More generally, Wilson "is very realistic about the relationship. He knows the importance of Canadian sovereignty and of Canada asserting itself with the US-and anyone who has dealt with the US at the level that Michael and I have knows that if you don't assert yourself, you are going to get stomped on." The complex issue "absolutely will get resolved," Stanley Hartt, Wilson's deputy minister in finance from 1985 to 1988 and the chairman of Citigroup Global Markets Canada Inc., said in an interview. "With guys like Burney in the PMO helping on a temporary dollar-a-year, executive, lend-lease basis and with David Emerson, one of the leading forest industries executives in our country in the cabinet as international trade minister, my guess is the prospects of a settlement are very, very high." Burney himself, however, says he "wouldn't make a bet on anything on softwood lumber." While he says he is no fan of managed trade, it may be necessary in this case. The problem is that even when Canada wins in the courts or in the NAFTA panels, "It's like a kiss from your sister," because there is no end to the recourse that the US industry will pursue.
Between 1999 and 2002, Jose Manuel Durao Barroso was an efficient main leader of the opposition. He continued the policy of polarization against the government initiated by Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa. ...Short of an absolute majority, the socialist minority government relied on the support of various different parties, depending upon the issue, to implement its policies. One of the main concerns of the PSD under the leadership of Barroso was the increase in public debt as well as the spiralling budget deficit. He put the socialist government under pressure by showing that Portugal was diverging from Europe in macroeconomic terms and other policy areas. Indeed, during 2001 Barroso was quite successful in undermining the credibility of the government. In the local elections of 16 December Barroso's party made enormous gains, while the socialist party suffered severe losses. This led to the prompt resignation of prime minister Antonio Guterres, to the surprise of his fellow members of the cabinet. President Jorge Sampaio called for new elections on 17 March 2002, which the PSD under Barroso was able to win with 40.2 percent of the vote. Barroso decided to form a coalition government with the Euroskeptic conservative democratic social centre (Centra Democratico Social, CDS), so that it could command an absolute majority in parliament. The coalition agreement and government program were oriented towards tackling the budget deficit which ran above the three percent of GDP allowed by the European Union, reform of public administration, and modernization of the Portuguese economy. His program was highly influenced by neoliberal policies aimed at reducing the intervention of the state in the Portuguese economy and society. His government introduced austerity measures that were quite unpopular with the population. In the summer, the European Commission proposed a maximum figure of 4.1 percent of GDP as public deficit. Portugal was confronted with the need to deal with an excessive budget deficit. Barroso can be regarded as one of the founders of modern Portuguese political science. Indeed, his first book published with his long-time friend Pedro Santana Lopes was called Government and Party System, a collection of studies and newspaper articles on the possibilities of improving the young Portuguese democracy, which was quite unstable until 1985. Indeed, their book included excellent scientific essays on the problems of the Portuguese political system. They regarded the book as a contribution to a revision of the constitution, which at that time carried many features influenced by the revolutionary process such as Marxist-Leninist language, the monitoring of democracy by the military through the Council of the Revolution, and the strong position of the president in the political system. The book is a detailed review of the six governments between 1976 and 1980 using political science literature to show the problems of the Portuguese constitution.1 In 1982, the first constitutional revision addressed some of the problems presented by Lopes and Barroso. Barroso published several studies on democratization related to his doctoral research in a number of journals such as the main Portuguese social sciences review Análise Social and the Italian Il Politico. He also embraced several networks of political science in Europe, including the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Last but not least, Barroso was one of the founding editors, and in time the chief editor, of the Revista de Ciencia Politica (Political Science Review). Between 1985 and 1988 several issues were published, but the publication was then unfortunately discontinued. The Revista was open to academics and non-academics who wanted to contribute scientifically to the development of political science in Portugal.
Could there be a tech sector more thrilling and daunting than space? We think not. If that’s your orbit, don’t miss TC Sessions: Space 2020 on December 16-17. It’s where you’ll find the industry’s ...greatest thinkers, makers, shakers and investors. More on that in a minute. Right now, a reminder that the $125 admission price remains in play for just five more days. Buy your Early-Bird ticket — and keep $100 in your wallet — before November 13 at 11:59 p.m. (PT). We have an impressive slate of...
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