Hate crimes and hateful rhetoric targeting individuals of Asian descent have increased since the outbreak of COVID-19. These troubling trends have heightened concerns about the role of the Internet ...in facilitating radicalization. This article explores the existence of three warning signs of radicalization-fixation, group identification, and energy bursts-using data from Twitter and Reddit. Data were collected before and after the outbreak of COVID-19 to assess the role of the pandemic in affecting social media behavior. Using computational social science and Natural Language Processing techniques, we looked for signs of radicalization targeting China or Chinese individuals. Results show that fixation on the terms China and Chinese increased on Twitter and Reddit after the pandemic began. Moreover, tweets and posts containing either of these terms became more hateful, offensive, and negative after the outbreak. We also found evidence of individuals identifying more closely with a particular group, or adopting an "us vs. them" mentality, after the outbreak of COVID-19. These findings were especially prominent in subreddits catering to self-identified Republicans and Conservatives. Finally, we detected bursts of activity on Twitter and Reddit following the start of the pandemic. These warning signs suggest COVID-19 may have had a radicalizing effect on some social media users. This work is important because it not only shows the potential radicalizing effect of the pandemic, but also demonstrates the ability to detect warning signs of radicalization on social media. This is critical, as detecting warning signs of radicalization can potentially help curb hate-fueled violence.
Historically, pandemics have spurred an influx of disorganized information and escalated intergroup animosity, and COVID-19 is no exception. Pandemic reporting often features cues and testimonials to ...mark the distinction between “us” versus “them”; however, the influence of such journalistic practices on intergroup animosity remains largely unexplored during public health crises, let alone their potential interplay with ubiquitous user-generated comments that often accompany pandemic news stories in the digital era. We conducted an online survey experiment with a sample of U.S. participants ( N = 1428) during the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, systematically varying the presence of stigmatizing outgroup cues, testimonials from in-versus outgroups, and social media comments either predominantly endorsing or condemning xenophobia. Our findings reveal that stigmatizing outgroup cues amplified the effects of testimonials detailing ingroup suffering, thus heightening anti-Chinese sentiment. These results underscore the importance of evaluating the implications of journalistic practices in public health reporting on intergroup dynamics and social solidarity. Additionally, we found that online comments predominantly condemning xenophobia moderated the effects of ingroup testimonials in the direction of inducing more positive sentiments, highlighting the vital role of an engaged audience in moderating the influences of public health news coverage.
Abstract The article explores Sinophobic discourses during the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing specifically on violence-related metaphors used to frame China in American and Australian newspapers from ...January to June 2020. Specifically, the analysis aims to investigate the extent to which violence-related metaphors were used to frame China in a micro-diachronic perspective and the functions they performed in the dataset. The investigation was conducted by combining corpus linguistics and discourse analysis approaches to analyse the semantic domain of violence. The results revealed that violence-related metaphors were extensively used to negatively frame China and its institutions in both corpora, although they were more frequent in the Australian corpus. From a micro-diachronic perspective, in the American corpus, violence-related metaphors were less recurrent and evenly distributed over time, whereas they peaked in May 2020 in the Australian corpus, a time that coincided with China’s imposition of substantial tariffs on Australian barley. This seemed to suggest that the use of such metaphors was highly influenced by socioeconomic factors rather than by the spread of COVID-19.
This paper explores public discourses of race and nation in Australia and Singapore, focusing on their historical and contemporary relationship with China and the Chinese. Both countries are governed ...by a multicultural ideology but are experiencing evolving tensions rooted in their (post)colonial and settler histories, dominated by respective Anglo-Australian and Singaporean-Chinese majorities. To illuminate these issues, we analyse public discourses by politicians and other opinion leaders, as reported in influential media. We discuss how the two nation-states accommodate their rapidly growing mainland Chinese minorities in the context of a rising China as a global power, and in conjunction with their cultural-spatial dislocations. We found a renewed Sinophobia in both countries, but with different historic and contemporary origins and manifestations: in Australia a historically grounded fear of the Chinese as "Yellow Peril"; in Singapore, a co-ethnic anxiety about the incoming mainland Chinese who are construed as "other" to the Singaporean-Chinese.
Abstract
We assessed whether the COVID-19 outbreak in the United Kingdom was associated with a rise in sinophobic hate crimes as well as the temporal distribution of victimization rates. A ...victimization survey (N = 393) showed that following the first known case of COVID-19 in the United Kingdom, Chinese/East Asian persons had a higher likelihood of being hate crime or incident victims than members of other ethnic minority groups. Specifically, victimization reported by Chinese/East Asian participants reached its highest level in March 2020 (before lockdown); it then dropped significantly after an initial relaxation of restrictions in May 2020. Overall, we documented a temporary, potentially slightly delayed hate crime trigger effect of the COVID-19 outbreak.
Since the beginning of the COVID‐19 pandemic, there have been widespread conversations about the origins of the virus and who to blame for it. This article focuses on the online hate directed at ...Chinese and Asian people during the pandemic. Taking a critical discursive psychological approach, we analysed seven online threads related to COVID‐19 and China from two Finnish websites (Suomi24 and Ylilauta) and one US (8kun) site. We identified three discursive trends associated with dehumanising Chinese populations: ‘monstrous Chinese’, ‘immoral Chinese’ and ‘China as a threat’, which created different forms of dehumanisation on a continuum from harsher dehumanisation to milder depersonalisation. The animalistic metaphors, coarse language, humorous frames and conspiracy beliefs worked to rhetorically justify the dehumanisation of Chinese individuals, making it more acceptable to portray them as a homogeneous and inhumane mass of people that deserves to be attacked. This study contributes to the field of discursive research on dehumanisation by deepening our knowledge of the specific features of Sinophobic hate speech.
Due to the geographic origins of the first major outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan, China, individuals of Chinese ethnic origin around the world have experienced discrimination, xenophobia, and racism ...during the pandemic. Discriminatory actions have ranged from outright physical aggression to subtle microaggressions. While reports (both media and academic) have highlighted such incidents, this paper argues that when the conversation starts and stops at the reporting of experiences of stigma, the narrative remains as the victimization of the community. Instead, instances of COVID-19 stigma and discrimination are only one aspect of this story, where other aspects include a deeper understanding of the community itself along with an awareness of the capacity that the Chinese diaspora community brings forward to help overcome COVID-19. We focus our discussion on the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) in Canada, a global urban center that has a sizeable ethnic Chinese diaspora community, and argue that highlighting the early actions that the community took to help broader society in dealing with COVID-19 at the start of the pandemic may help to reframe anti-Chinese stigma during the pandemic. These early actions include physical distancing, mask-wearing, sanitation and advocacy. Findings for this case-study are informed by media monitoring and interviews with 83 individuals identifying as ethnically Chinese living across the GTA.
This essay reflects on critical Chinese geographies in a fracturing world strongly shaped by the ‘new Cold War’ and post-pandemic politics. I argue that in any attempt to rethink geography for ...emerging global futures, the geopolitical entanglement of positionality and knowledge production must be a key element. After considering the limits to dialogue in a time of trouble, I map the possibilities of internationalism at different geographic scales and academic locations, all of which call for traveling geographies that cross physical, ontological, and epistemic borders.
When labeling an infectious disease, officially sanctioned scientific names, e.g., "H1N1 virus," are recommended over place-specific names, e.g., "Spanish flu." This is due to concerns from ...policymakers and the WHO that the latter might lead to unintended stigmatization. However, with little empirical support for such negative consequences, authorities might be focusing on limited resources on an overstated issue. This paper empirically investigates the impact of naming against the current backdrop of the 2019-2020 pandemic. The first hypothesis posited that using place-specific names associated with China (e.g., Wuhan Virus or China Virus) leads to greater levels of sinophobia, the negative stigmatization of Chinese individuals. The second hypothesis posited that using a scientific name (e.g., Coronavirus or COVID-19) leads to increased anxiety, risk aversion, beliefs about contagiousness of the virus, and beliefs about mortality rate. Results from two preregistered studies
= 504;
= 412, conducted across three countries with the first study during the early outbreak (April 2020) and the second study at a later stage of the pandemic (August 2020), found no evidence of any adverse effects of naming on sinophobia and strong support for the null hypothesis using Bayesian analyses. Moreover, analyses found no impact of naming on anxiety, risk aversion, beliefs about contagiousness of the virus, or beliefs about mortality rate, with mild to strong support for the null hypothesis across outcomes. Exploratory analyses also found no evidence for the effect of naming being moderated by political affiliation. In conclusion, results provide no evidence that virus naming impacted individual's attitudes toward Chinese individuals or perceptions of the virus, with the majority of analyses finding strong support for the null hypothesis. Therefore, based on the current evidence, it appears that the importance given to naming infectious diseases might be inflated.
Disorienting Politics mines 21st-century media artifacts—including films like The Martian and TV/streaming media shows such as Firefly and House of Cards—to make visible the economic, cultural, ...political, and ecological entanglements of China and the United States. Describing these transpacific entanglements as “Chimerica”—coined by economic historians to reference the symbiosis of China and America—Yang examines how Chimerican media, originating in the US but traversing national boundaries in their production, circulation, and consumption, co-create the figure of rising China and extend a political imagination beyond the conventional ground of the nation. Examining how Chimerican media are shaped by and perpetuate uneven power relations, Disorienting Politics argues that the pervasive tendency among wide-ranging cultural producers to depict the Chinese state as a racialized Other in American media life diminishes the possibility of engaging transpacific entanglements as a basis for envisioning new political horizons. Such othering of China not only results in overt racism against people of Asian descent, Yang argues, but also impacts the wellbeing of people of color more generally. This interdisciplinary book demonstrates the ways in which race is embedded in geopolitics even when the subject of discussion is not the people, but the (Chinese) state. Bridging media and cultural studies, Asian and Asian American studies, geography, and globalization studies, Disorienting Politics calls for a relational politics that acknowledges the multifarious interconnectivity between people, places, media, and environment.
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