Paisanos itinerantes: una hoja de ruta Davies Lenoble, Geraldine
Boletín del Instituto de Historia argentina y americana Doctor Emilio Ravignani,
01/2020
52
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Ensayo analítico sobre el libro de Ricardo Salvatore (2018) Paisanos itinerantes. Orden estatal y experiencia subalterna en Buenos Aires durante la era de Rosas. Buenos Aires: Prometeo. Se realiza un ...análisis integral de la obra en su nueva edición en español, y se reflexiona sobre sus aportes en la comprensión del impacto del orden rosista en la historia Argentina del siglo XIX.
Starting from the conclusion of the previous report by Innes Keighren on the history and philosophy of geography, this report assesses the ‘state of the art’ of current attempts to make this field of ...studies more inclusive and to foster the increasing acknowledgement of geography’s plural pasts. It does so by analysing scholarship published this year (including contributions from outside the Anglosphere), which rediscovers geographical traditions other than Northern ones, diversifies archives and places by including feminist, decolonial and subaltern outlooks, and addresses geographical traditions in radicalism and activism, increasingly connecting this field of studies with wider scholarly and political debates.
Celotno besedilo
Dostopno za:
DOBA, IZUM, KILJ, NUK, OILJ, PILJ, PNG, SAZU, SIK, UILJ, UKNU, UL, UM, UPUK
The work of B. R. Ambedkar has spurred scholars and experts to rethink traditional assessments of both the secularization process and the relationship between religious and secular domains. Two ...generations ago, Ambedkar evoked conversion to Navayana Buddhism as an alternative to hierarchically ordered caste-based society. Through his landmark essay The Buddha and His Dhamma, he questioned studies on Dalit communities that saw them as trying to define their inner life solely as either a negative or mirror image of the standards set by caste-based norms. In the effort to retrieve the autonomy of the Dalit subject, Ambedkar brought to the forefront of his work that conversion was not simply opposition to the power structure of caste society but also meant to overthrow the false ideals that had historically distorted and degraded the Dalit self. The paper addresses some of the methodological questions in political philosophy and historiography that arise in Ambedkar’s thought regarding the analytical categories related to conversion. It begins with a provocation in its juxtaposition of categories from two different discourses: “subalternity” as a relational position in conceptualizing power and “post-secularism” as persistence or resurgence of religious beliefs or practices in the present. It then turns to examine the concept of “subalternity” to show whether it is a relevant lens to understand Dalit subjectivity and agency today. The paper argues that Ambedkar views conversion as a historical process turning away from a status of subalternity, or practices of exclusions, towards becoming individuals with agency, potentially full members of a political community. It also critically examines Ambedkar’s interpretation of Buddhist ethics as an intervention in the analysis of subalternity, showing that the religious ideology of dharma structures the caste order based on discrimination and exclusion. While displacing the explanatory principle of ritual hierarchy that unites Hindu society, Ambedkar addresses the egalitarian imaginary of modern politics that gives us an account of action based on democratic contest and resistance. The paper also explains why the move from Hinduism to Buddhist ethics by Ambedkar can, I argue, be constitutive of a post-secular ethic. Emotion and knowledge are not separate in Ambedkar’s social epistemology, but they draw heavily on the social transformation and importance of religion in people’s inner lives, which went along with conversion.
With the spread of the global economy and capitalism in India, the local economy has been incorporated into national and globalized markets, and disparities have rapidly expanded between those who ...have access to opportunities to gain economic capital and those who have experienced the loss of economic resources, and therefore become marginalized. This has also produced divisions within marginalized groups between those who have been able to bring about changes in their consumption behavior and lifestyle through welfare and development programs, and those who have been left behind, without access to such opportunities. In this study, using ethnographical data regarding women of a labor caste in Uttar Pradesh, I explore how subaltern women have been affected by the capitalist economy and how they have formed boundaries between themselves in the process of becoming involved in welfare programs. I will argue that the ‘power’ of women empowered by women’s welfare programs is not directed against the socio-political institutions that oppress them, but against those who are left behind within the welfare program. I will also argue that anthropologists need to understand the subjects of women’s empowerment in welfare programs to ensure that the existence of the left-behind is not overlooked.
Theories used in the Information Systems (IS) field come in large majority from authors based in Western countries, a bias that holds for critical theories as well. Such a bias is made more ...problematic by the mandate of critical theory, which is meant exactly to illuminate the oppressive conditions of the status quo. Against this backdrop, this paper explores the subalternity theory approach – developed by the Subaltern Studies collective from the early 1980s – as an indigenous theory that, proposing a socially and geographically connotated narration of ‘history from below’, can play a major role in the effort to decolonise critical IS research. By positioning subaltern theory in the IS field, the paper offers an alternative to the Western hegemony of critical theories, exploring the potential of such an alternative to voice systematically silenced and marginalised perspectives.
The lives of Aboriginals, as an indigenous form of a subaltern identity, have been less documented in narratives so far. Indigenous subaltern identity forms an alter-identity in which indigenous ...women's identity is even more silenced in the social order of gender hierarchy. Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva in their book Ecofeminism locate the "Third World Woman" (in India) as a stakeholder of indigenous identity. The knowledge of Third World women in nurturing biodiversity drastically differs from both the Androcentric and Eurocentric models of bio-conservation. Indigenous women and the indigenous flora are both objects of genocidal violence, identity dissolution, and cultural extinction as their contribution to conservation is not recognized. As Gayatri Spivak in her seminal book Can the Subaltern Speak? voices, "The subaltern has no history and cannot speak, the subaltern as female is even more deeply in the shadow." Mahasweta Devi, renowned Indian author and social activist, portrays the marginalized Indigenous and their struggle for survival. The Indigenous are dispossessed and the indigenous women are even more displaced. Indigenous women characters of Devi's selected works such as The Book of the Hunter and The Witch, belonging to the Shabar, Santal, Oraon, and Munda tribal communities, live in tune with ethnocentric ecological order. They are the forest dwellers who think of the forest as a unique bio-habitat in harmony with women, thereby preserving Mother Nature.
Undergirded by the perspective of historical materialism in dialogue with black Marxism and Marxist feminism, this article constructs an account demonstrating the significance of racism to the making ...of modernity. The analytic returns of unthinking Eurocentric sociologies in favour of a more unified historical social scientific approach include the unmasking of the intimate relationship between capitalism, class struggles and racism, particularly how capitalist rule advanced through a process of differentiation and hierarchical re-ordering of the global proletariat. From the 17th-century colonization of Virginia to Victorian Britain and beyond, racism formed an indispensable weapon in the armoury of the state elites, used to contain the class struggles waged by subaltern populations with a view to making the system safe for capital accumulation. Additionally, situating an account of racism within the unfolding story of historical capitalism as against the postcolonial tendency to locate it within the civilizational encounter between the West and the Rest helps make transparent the plurality of racisms, including the racialization of parts of the European proletariat. This explanation of the structuring force of racism and the differentiated ways in which the proletariat has been incorporated into capitalist relations of domination has important implications for emancipatory politics. A race-blind politics risks leaving untouched the injustices produced by historic and contemporaneous racisms. Instead, an alternative approach is proposed, one that invites movements to wilfully entangle demands for economic justice with anti-racism and thereby embrace and demystify the differences inscribed into the collective body of the proletariat by capitalism.
The article aims to analytically and comparatively examine how the negotiation of identity is represented in Indian literature, both in the homeland and abroad, in a situation where cultures meet, ...collide, and merge. The focus of the article will be on four books: Aravind Adiga’s The White Tiger (2008), Bapsi Sidwa’s Water (2006), Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss (2006), and Bharathi Mukherjee’s Jasmine (1989). All the authors write about identity from a particular cultural context: the Bengali community in the USA, Brahmins in the Indian caste system, the privileged and less-privileged status of Indian individuals, and the hegemonic aspirations of the middle class that have taken the form of politics and produce socio-cultural inequalities. Because of the complex social structure dominated by the Indian caste system, one aspect of migrant experiences is the limitations placed by society on their identity, which can also be a critical determinant of their economic well-being and thus affect identity formation. Accordingly, the presumption is that the utility of the protagonists, both the immigrants and the locals in their homeland, encompasses economic well-being and cultural identity. Despite their sense of alienation, displacement, and rootlessness, the protagonists in all the novels that I have mentioned above manage to carve out a space of belonging for themselves, be it in their homeland or abroad, despite social, political, and cultural obstacles.
This article explores whether, in the decade preceding the 2011 uprising, Egypt's Independent Civic Activists (ICAs) can be considered organic intellectuals in terms of Antonio Gramsci's well-known ...definition. To do so, three aspects of 'organicity' with respect to subaltern groups are identified: a 'demographic' dimension, namely their embeddedness within subaltern groups; an 'ideological' dimension pertaining to their ability to correctly identify the problems affecting subaltern classes; and a 'cognitive' dimension, i.e. whether ICAs had managed to gain at least partial recognition from subaltern groups as providing political leadership. During the pre-2011 period, ICAs can be shown to be partly - but not fully - 'organic' intellectuals with respect to Egypt's subaltern groups. Examining ICAs' evolving mobilisation, it is also possible to both discern the embryonic emergence of a counter-hegemonic project well before 2011, and by contrast the substantial continuity between the regime and the Ikhwan. Finally, the article notes that the Egyptian regime under Husni Mubarak appeared unable or unwilling to address the root causes of dissatisfaction through anything other than palliative measures, leaving it not so much stable as fierce and brittle, vulnerable in precisely the same ways ICAs capitalised on in the run-up to the 'January 25th Revolution'.
This article explores the complexity of minority creative workers in the media industry. It challenges the common notion in the literature that minority creative workers are fully submissive to the ...dominant power structure and examines whether such workers could still be conceived as active agents by resisting submission and marginalization even when they cannot influence their own representation in hegemonic media texts. To answer this question, it explores the performances of minority creative workers in a hegemonic cultural industry. To determine whether one can speak of subaltern agency and, if possible, examine how it manifests itself in reality, it addresses the daily performances of Palestinian creative workers during the production of the second season of the Israeli television series, Fauda. Observations conducted during production demonstrate that since in such contexts minority creative workers cannot avoid being projected in negative roles in the media text, they adopt creative subversive practices of passing and transgressive mimicry, resisting full compliance with the production, without endangering their own position. By doing so, the article contributes not only to the emerging field of creative entrepreneurship in cultural production, but also enables determination of common practices of creative subversion in the cultural industries.
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