Trust beyond borders Crepaz, Markus M. L; Lijphart, Arend
2008., 20100423, 2008, 2007, c2008., 20080101
eBook
Will immigration undermine the welfare state? Trust beyond Borders draws on public opinion data and case studies of Germany, Sweden, and the United States to document the influence of immigration and ...diversity on trust, reciprocity, and public support for welfare programs. Markus M. L. Crepaz demonstrates that we are, at least in some cases, capable of trusting beyond borders: of expressing faith in our fellow humans and extending help without regard for political classifications. In Europe, the welfare state developed under conditions of relative homogeneity that fostered high levels of trust among citizens, while in America anxiety about immigration and diversity predated the emergence of a social safety net. Looking at our new era of global migration, Crepaz traces the renewed debate about "us" versus "them" on both sides of the Atlantic and asks how it will affect the public commitment to social welfare. Drawing on the literatures on immigration, identity, social trust, and the welfare state, Trust beyond Borders presents a novel analysis of immigration's challenge to the welfare state and a persuasive exploration of the policies that may yet preserve it.
Objective
The purpose of this article is to investigate the associations between submissive authoritarianism, multiculturalism, and perceived economic threat. More specifically, it explores whether ...the effects of multiculturalism on authoritarianism are moderated by perceived economic anxieties.
Methods
An original data set was collected using the online platform Qualtrics, which consisted of a stratified sample of 1010 complete responses from a German non‐probability sample in January 2019.
Results
In simple additive models, multiculturalist attitudes show a statistically significant depressing effect on authoritarianism, while economic threat significantly increases it. However, when multiculturalist attitudes are interacted with perceived economic threats, the depressing effect of multiculturalism on authoritarianism wanes. While low levels of economic threat demonstrate a statistically significant depressing effect of multiculturalism on authoritarianism, at higher levels of economic threat, this effect wanes and becomes statistically insignificant.
Conclusion
This article shows that turning away from inclusionary policies may lead not only to a withering of multiculturalism but also to an increased tendency to succumb to authoritarian temptations, particularly in a climate of rising economic anxieties.
Objective. This article explores whether there is a systematic variation in conventional and unconventional political participation as a function of in-group versus out-group trust. We postulate that ...the narrower the moral community is, the more political participation is restricted to conventional activity that is perceived as an obligation, as a political act to be fulfilled, something akin to citizenship duty. However, individuals with high levels of out-group trust—trust in people who are different or unknown—are more likely to participate in unconventional political activities that are public in nature and transcend concepts of duty, citizenship, or nation. Methods. To obtain measures of in-group and out-group trust, we rely on various items in the fifth wave of the World Values Survey. Applying confirmatory factor analysis yields two separate forms of trust, which become our central predictor variables in addition to other, theoretically-derived independent variables. We employ logistic regression with country cluster robust standard errors. Results and Conclusion. The results support our central assertions, even when controlling for the standard measure of generalized trust and a number of other factors. Individuals with higher in-group trust report having voted at higher levels than individuals with lower in-group trust. Individuals with higher levels of out-group trust, however, participate more actively in nonconventional political activity. Surprisingly, the presence of out-group trust has a slightly negative impact on voting. Our findings further emphasize the importance of differentiating between types of interpersonal trust, and answer recent calls for empirical research on the impact of forms of trust on political behavior.
Objective
To explore the links between authoritarian personality traits and welfare chauvinism by controlling for a host of alternative explanations while also investigating whether these links are ...additive or interacting with other triggering variables.
Method
Using the online survey platform Qualtrics, a stratified sample of 1,010 respondents in Germany was recruited in January 2019. Authoritarian personality is operationalized by applying the fourfold child‐rearing scale pioneered by Feldman and Stenner.
Results
Findings indicate that authoritarianism has an independent, additive effect on welfare chauvinism, but cultural and economic threats do not systematically mediate the effect of authoritarianism on welfare chauvinism.
Conclusion
Submissive authoritarianism is significantly linked to a desire to disentitle immigrants from using welfare benefits.
Constructing Tolerance Crepaz, Markus M. L.; Damron, Regan
Comparative political studies,
03/2009, Volume:
42, Issue:
3
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Over the past 30 years, the hitherto rather homogeneous welfare states in Europe have been experiencing a dramatic influx of immigrants, making them much more diverse. The central purpose of the ...early development of the welfare state was twofold: to bridge class divisions and to mollify ethnic divisions in the vast multiethnic empires of 19th-century Germany and Austria. This research examines the impact of the programmatic and expenditure dimensions of the welfare state on attitudes of natives across modern publics, theorizing that nativist resentment and welfare chauvinism should be reduced in more comprehensive welfare systems. Individual, aggregate, and multilevel analyses reveal that the more comprehensive the welfare state is, the more tolerant natives are of immigrants, indicating that contemporary welfare states have a similar capacity to bridge ethnic divisions as their 19th-century incarnations.
Objectives. The objectives of this study are threefold: first, we separate trust into a two-dimensional concept: ingroup trust and outgroup trust. Second, we apply both types of trust to two ...dependent variables: nativism and civicness, hypothesizing that respondents with ingroup trust should display higher degrees of nativism and lower degrees of civicness while the opposite should apply to respondents with outgroup trust. Third, we control for the traditional trust question in order to determine whether there is any value added by separating trust into two dimensions. Methods. After applying confirmatory factor analysis to a six-item measure in the fifth (2005/2006) wave of the World Values Survey, we identify two kinds of trust—"ingroup" and "outgroup." We then use various regressions (linear, ordered logistic, and binary logistic) to estimate their effects on different measures of nativism and civicness. Results. Our results indicate that despite the existence of a moderately strong positive correlation between the two trust measures, once applied to four models of nativism and three models of civicness, these have statistically significant and different relationships, even when controlling for traditional generalized trust. Conclusions. Our conclusions suggest that outgroup trust reduces nativism while ingroup trust tends to increase it, and, counter to expectations, we find that while ingroup trust varies positively and significantly with civicness measures, outgroup trust does not.
Howard J. Wiarda overestimated the staying power of neo-corporatism. In 1997, when he proclaimed that corporatism would be as influential as liberalism and socialism, a number of factors were already ...undermining corporatism in western democracies, such as globalization, post-materialism, and post-industrialism. Crucially, political party systems in Western democracies had begun to fragment, and formerly pillarized societies were beginning to flatten out; as a result, corporatism’s efficient secret—namely, representing as many groups as possible in as few organizations as possible—became increasingly undermined. Today, immigration-induced diversity is undermining social democratic parties, as they have difficulties negotiating the contradictory goals of pro-welfare and pro-immigrant policies. In addition, far right political parties are stoking cultural issues and populism is on the rise on both sides of the Atlantic. Besides these substantive developments, Wiarda’s preferred inductive, thick, and situational intellectual approach became eclipsed by a deductive, parsimonious, and more austere approach. The latter became paramount in explaining change in neo-corporatist countries at the turn of the century, which explains why his interpretivist accounts of the status of neo-corporatism never received the same traction as his accounts of state corporatism in Latin America.
Democracy and institutions Crepaz, Markus M. L; Koelble, Thomas A; Wilsford, David
2000., 20100608, 2000, c2000.
eBook
Institutions are the channels of political power. This volume explores Arend Lijphart's life work--the design of political institutions. All the contributors to this volume share the fundamental ...insight that the design of political institutions matters in how democracies work.
The essays in this volume offer both theoretical insights into the context and implications of Lijphart's ideas and empirical exploration of the ideas. Two chapters by Thomas Koelble and Andrew Reynolds examine and apply Lijphart's insights to South Africa, while another study by Jack Nagel explores the fascinating institutional changes taking place in New Zealand. Essays by Bernard Grofman and Rein Taagepera examine Lijphart's work from a theoretical perspective and place Lijphart's work in the wider neo-institutionalist school of thought. Milton Esman applies the principle of power-sharing to mobilized communities, not only in democratic societies but also to those which are governed by authoritarian rule. Bingham Powell offers an empirical approach to the crucial question of the connection between political institutions and responsiveness of policy-makers. Markus M. L. Crepaz and Vicki Birchfield argue that in this age of globalization, countries with consensual political institutions will not only systematically refract the pressures of globalization but will be able to absorb the domestic consequences of globalization more successfully than majoritarian countries. Finally, Arend Lijphart responds to the arguments made in these essays, extending and adding novel concepts and insights to his conceptual framework.
The book will be of interest to political scientists, lawyers, and sociologists who study institutions, the impact of electoral systems, and constitutional design. In addition, those who study "globalization" will be attracted by the relevance of domestic political institutions and their refractory effects as the tides of globalization wash against the domestic shores.
Markus M. L. Crepaz is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Georgia. Thomas A. Koelble is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Miami. David Wilsford is President and Professor, the Institute for American Universities.
Natives in Europe are often opposed to immigrants receiving social services that previously have been reserved for citizens only, but as it turns out, so are a number of immigrants. This article ...argues that seemingly "welfare chauvinist" attitudes among immigrants are in fact an expression of incorporation as naturalized immigrants are more critical of unconditional benefits usage. Using survey data, we compare attitudes among natives, naturalized citizens, and foreign residents, and test competing explanations for welfare chauvinism. We find that naturalization is the strongest predictor of reservations towards benefit openness for immigrants among foreign-born individuals. This article contributes to contemporary studies on the importance of citizenship for community membership, welfare chauvinism in European societies, and the growing field of immigrant public opinion research.
Natives in Europe are often opposed to immigrants receiving social services that previously have been reserved for citizens only, but as it turns out, so are a number of immigrants. This article ...argues that seemingly "welfare chauvinist" attitudes among immigrants are in fact an expression of incorporation as naturalized immigrants are more critical of unconditional benefits usage. Using survey data, we compare attitudes among natives, naturalized citizens, and foreign residents, and test competing explanations for welfare chauvinism. We find that naturalization is the strongest predictor of reservations towards benefit openness for immigrants among foreign-born individuals. This article contributes to contemporary studies on the importance of citizenship for community membership, welfare chauvinism in European societies, and the growing field of immigrant public opinion research.
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