Mediation analysis prevails for researchers probing the etiological mechanisms through which treatment affects an outcome. A central challenge of mediation analysis is justifying sufficient baseline ...covariates that meet the causal assumption of no unmeasured confounding. But current practices routinely overlook this assumption. In this article, we suggest a relatively easy way to mitigate the risks of incorrect inferences resulting from unmeasured confounding: include pretreatment measurements of the mediator(s) and the outcome as baseline covariates. We explain why adjusting for pretreatment baseline measurements is a necessary first step toward eliminating confounding biases. We hope that such a practice can encourage explication, justification, and reflection of the causal assumptions underpinning mediation analysis toward improving the validity of causal inferences in psychology research.
What are the interpersonal consequences of seeking solitude? Leading theories in developmental research have proposed that having a general preference for solitude may incur significant interpersonal ...costs, but empirical studies are still lacking. In five studies (total N = 1,823), we tested whether target individuals with a higher preference for solitude were at greater risk for ostracism, a common, yet extremely negative, experience. In studies using self-reported experiences (Study 1) and perceptions of others’ experiences (Study 2), individuals with a stronger preference for solitude were more likely to experience ostracism. Moreover, participants were more willing to ostracize targets with a high (vs. low) preference for solitude (Studies 3 and 4). Why do people ostracize solitude-seeking individuals? Participants assumed that interacting with these individuals would be aversive for themselves and the targets (Study 5; preregistered). Together, these studies suggest that seeking time alone has important (and potentially harmful) interpersonal consequences.
Individuals may respond to ostracism by either behaving prosocially or antisocially. A recent paper provides evidence for a third response: solitude seeking, suggesting that ostracized individuals ...may ironically engage in self-perpetuating behaviors which exacerbate social isolation. To examine this counterintuitive response to ostracism, we conceptually replicated the original paper in three studies (N = 1,118). Ostracism experiences were associated with preference for solitude across four samples (Study 1), and being ostracized increased participants’ desires for solitude (Studies 2 and 3). Extending beyond the original paper, we demonstrated that only the experience of being ostracized, but not ostracizing others or the feeling of conspicuousness, triggered the desire for solitude. Diverging from the original paper, trait extraversion did not moderate the effect of ostracism on solitude desires. Taken together, the current research provides additional and stronger empirical evidence that solitude seeking is a common response to ostracism.
Loneliness has been associated with multiple negative outcomes. But what contributes to loneliness in the first place? Drawing from the literature on the importance of self-regulatory ability for ...successful social functioning, the present research explored the role of low self-control as a factor leading to loneliness. A set of four studies (and three additional studies in Supplementary Online Materials) using cross-sectional, experimental, daily diary, and experience sampling methods showed that lower self-control is associated with higher loneliness at both trait and state levels. Why does low self-control contribute to loneliness? Self-control failures that have negative implications for others lead to higher risks for being ostracized by others, which predicts increased feelings of loneliness over time. These results suggest that low self-control, which is often associated with negative intrapersonal outcomes, can have important interpersonal consequences by evoking ostracism, and consequently, loneliness.
Frequent social contact has been associated with better health and longer life. It remains unclear though whether there is an optimal contact frequency, beyond which contact is no longer positively ...associated with health and longevity. The present research explored this question by examining nonlinear associations of social contact frequency with health and longevity. Study 1 (N ∼ 350,000) demonstrated that once the frequency of social contact reached a moderate level (monthly or weekly), its positive association with health flattened out. Study 2 (N ∼ 50,000) extended these findings to longitudinal and mortality data: Although low contact frequency was associated with poor health and low survival rates, increasing the frequency of social interactions beyond a moderate level (monthly or weekly) was no longer associated with better health and longevity and, in some cases, was even related to worse health and increased mortality risks.
Ostracism triggers negative emotions such as sadness, anger, and hurt feelings. Do targets of ostracism truthfully share their emotions with the sources of ostracism? Drawing on past research on ...social-functional accounts of emotions and interpersonal emotion regulation, we investigated the possibility that targets may misrepresent their emotions (i.e., gaming emotions). We conducted three experiments (N = 1058; two pre-registered) using an online ball-tossing game, in which participants were randomly assigned to be included or ostracized. Consistent with the literature, we found that ostracized individuals were more hurt, sad, and angry than included individuals. However, we found little and inconsistent evidence that ostracized (vs included) individuals misrepresented their emotional reactions to the sources. Further, Bayesian analyses offered more support against misrepresentation of emotions. These findings suggest that targets of ostracism truthfully communicated their social pain to the sources.
What is the gender gap in invited publications in high-impact psychology journals? To answer this critical question, Mackelprang et al. (2023) examined invited publications in five high-impact ...psychology journals. They first calculated the share of women among authors of the invited publications (35.6%), then compared it with a "base rate" (42.3%; the share of women among associate and full psychology professors at R1 institutions). This comparison was presented as empirical evidence of women being underrepresented in the authorship of publications in these high-impact journals. In this commentary, we show that comparing these two descriptives-either using a difference or a ratio-provides little insight into the actual gender disparity of interest. A fundamental shortcoming of such a comparison is due to outcome-dependent selection. We explain what outcome-dependent selection is and why it is inappropriate. Crucially, we explain why, following such outcome-dependent selection, comparing the share of women in the selected sample with a "base rate" rules out drawing valid inferences about the actual gender gap. We urge researchers to recognize the perils of, and thus avoid, outcome-dependent selection. Finally, we suggest an alternative approach that permits a more accurate understanding of gender disparities in academia.
Social contact is an important ingredient of a happy and satisfying life. But is more social contact necessarily better? Although it is well-established that increasing the quantity of social ...interactions on the low end of its spectrum promotes psychological well-being, the effect of interaction quantity on the high end remains largely unexplored. We propose that the effect of interaction quantity is nonlinear; specifically, at high levels of interaction quantity, its positive effects may be reduced (Diminishing Returns Hypothesis) or even reversed (Inverted U Hypothesis). To test these two competing hypotheses, we conducted a series of six studies involving a total of 161,836 participants using experimental (Study 1), cross-sectional (Studies 2 and 3), daily diary (Study 4), experience sampling (Study 5), and longitudinal survey designs (Study 6). Consistent evidence emerged across the studies supporting the Diminishing Returns Hypothesis. On the low end of the interaction quantity spectrum, increasing interaction quantity enhanced well-being as expected; whereas on the high end of the spectrum, the effect of interaction quantity was reduced or became nearly negligible, but did not turn negative. Taken together, the present research provides compelling evidence that the well-being benefits of social interactions are nearly negligible after moderate quantities of interactions are achieved.
Longitudinal study designs are frequently used to investigate the effects of a naturally observed predictor (treatment) on an outcome over time. Because the treatment at each time point or wave is ...not randomly assigned, valid inferences of its causal effects require adjusting for covariates that confound each treatment-outcome association. But adjusting for covariates which are inevitably time-varying is fraught with difficulties. On the one hand, standard regression adjustment for variables affected by treatment can lead to severe bias. On the other hand, omitting time-varying covariates from confounding adjustment precipitates spurious associations that can lead to severe bias. Thus, either including or omitting time-varying covariates for confounding adjustment can lead to incorrect inferences. In this article, we introduce an estimation strategy from the causal inference literature for evaluating the causal effects of time-varying treatments in the presence of time-varying confounding. G-estimation of the treatment effect at a particular wave proceeds by carefully adjusting for only pre-treatment instances of all variables while dispensing with any post-treatment instances. The introduced approach has various appealing features. Effect modification by time-varying covariates can be investigated using covariate-treatment interactions. Treatment may be either continuous or noncontinuous with any mean model permitted. Unbiased estimation requires correctly specifying a mean model for either the treatment or the outcome, but not necessarily both. The treatment and outcome models can be fitted with standard regression functions. In summary, g-estimation is effective, flexible, robust, and relatively straightforward to implement. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).
People are often advised to engage in social contact to cope with the experience of loneliness and improve well-being. But are the moments of loneliness actually more bearable when spent in other ...people’s company? In this research, we proposed and tested two conflicting theoretical accounts regarding the role of social contact: social contact is associated with a stronger (the amplifying account) or with a weaker (the buffering account) negative effect of loneliness on psychological well-being. Analyses of three datasets collected using ecological momentary assessments (
N
individuals
= 3,035) revealed that the negative association between loneliness and well-being was stronger when participants were with others than alone, consistent with the amplifying account. Further, when participants experienced high levels of loneliness, being with others was associated with the same or with even a lower level of well-being than being alone. These findings suggest that simply spending time with others (vs. alone) is not associated with a reduced burden of loneliness and may even backfire.
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