The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, climate justice is defined as an anti-systemic struggle for a just and dignified life for all on an ecologically diverse and preserved ...planet. This means building a movement based on solidarity, inclusiveness and comradeship that is aware of the intertwinement of the climate crisis with the other problems facing the world and their common origin in the existing system. In the second part, the author substantiates the definition above by explaining why capitalism is inherently environmentally destructive. The concept of the four core climate inequalities is also discussed, namely the inequality in the causation of climate crisis, the inequality in the effects of climate climate change and the ability to cope with them, the inequality in bearing the expenditures and benefits of transitioning to a low-carbon society and last but not least, the inequality in the treatment of nature. These four inequalities are broken down further into global, national and gender categories. Finally, they are applied to the Slovenian context. Stemming from the critique of capitalism and the four climate inequalities, the third part of the article emphasizes that the struggle for climate justice is an international, anti-systemic, anti-colonial, workers', feminist, migrant, anti-speciesist and conservationist struggle. In turn, these struggles are also climate struggles. The article also addresses the question of the relationship towards the state. The bourgeois state has many clear limitations, but it cannot be ignored in the wake of climate breakdown. A "movement-party", where a party merely represents an extended arm of the movement in parliament, is proposed as a sensible way forward. In more concrete terms, the demands of the Slovenian movement Youth for Climate Justice, as well as their connections with various movements during the September 2019 protests, are presented as a relatively suitable and tangible step towards putting climate justice into practice. However, protests are not enough - the movement must support the struggles of other organizations and slowly but steadily build a „parallel", solidarity-based, worker- and nature-friendly economy. In addition, the movement cannot develop and exist without educated members - movements stand or fall on education. Finally, a possible (additional) way of realizing climate justice in practice is demonstrated through community-based renewable energy projects.
Suverenost je danes globalni sistem avtoritete, ki je razširjen po vseh civilizacijskih, jezikovnih, kulturnih, verskih in etničnih skupinah ter drugih skupnostih, na katere se deli človeštvo. Članek ...sledi razvoju koncepta suverenosti, ki spada med osrednje koncepte politične teorije, odkar ga je Jean Bodin formuliral kot inovacijo, s katero je ponudil rešitev za negotovost in zmedo, ki sta obkrožali vprašanje avtoritete in prava, značilno za pozni srednji vek. Ravno temu prelomu, ki zaznamuje prehod v moderno, avtor nameni izdatno pozornost, saj po njegovem mnenju takrat suverenost postane organizirajoče načelo politične realnosti in tudi našega razumevanja le-te, torej načelo, ki politično realnost deli na medsebojno izključujoče se domene, ki implicirajo druga drugo. Kot materialistično podstat tega prehoda identificira spremembe v gospodarstvu in tehnološki napredek, ki s koncem dolgega šestnajstega stoletja omogoči nadzor nad obsežnejšim ozemljem in koncentracijo moči oziroma centralizacijo oblasti. S tem se odpre prostor, v katerem se država konceptualizira kot tista celota, ki je sposobna v eni obliki asimilirati politične in družbene razlike in antagonizme.
Prispevek pojave nestrpnosti in radikalizma obravnava s treh vidikov. Prvi je klasifikacija oziroma tipologizacija tovrstnih aktivnosti (Cross in Snow) po dveh kriterijih, glede na povezavo oziroma ...stopnjo socialnega kapitala med akterji in stopnjo percipiranih tveganj, ki akterjem grozijo od zunaj. Prednost klasifikacije je v enostavnosti, slabost pa je njen domet. Ta se lahko razširi s štiridimenzionalnim modelom (»kletke radikalizacije«), ki združuje kognitivno, politično, eksistencialno in temporalno razsežnost omenjenega pojava. Tretji vidik radikalizacije pa je strukturno nasilje. Najpogostejši razlogi zanj so: družbena neenakost, koincidenca socialne stratifikacije s katero drugo (na primer z etnično ali versko), stratifikacijska mobilnost, nestrpnost od zgoraj (t. i. Jagov sindrom) in nestrpnost od spodaj (avtoritarni sindrom) - ta zadnji razlog strukturnega nasilja je ponazorjen z empiričnimi podatki za Slovenijo v evropski primerjavi. Podatki so zaskrbljujoči.
Prispevek obravnava povezanost med konceptoma mir in solidarnostna ekonomija, pri čemer se še zlasti osredinja na vlogo zadrug pri gradnji miru. Mir je večpomenska beseda, a se o njem zadnje čase ...razpravlja predvsem v povezavi s poslovno dejavnostjo, pri čemer se največkrat misli na velik posel, ki velja za element »liberalnega miru«. Vendar ko mir razumemo kot zavetje življenja ali njegov varni pristan, se razprava razširi na vprašanje, kako pomembna so za gradnjo miru prizadevanja socializiranih in formiranih ljudi, ki so zmožni delati, sodelovati in živeti skupaj ter obenem ustvarjati varnejši, bolj trajnosten in dinamičen svet. Zadruge in solidarnostna ekonomija imajo pozitiven vpliv na vseh stopnjah krize: pred nasilnim spopadom, med njim in po njem. Poleg tega imajo pomemben potencial za gradnji miru kot »pozitivnega miru« v Galtungovem pomenu.
The article deals with hateful anti-refugee comments made by Slovenian users on social media platforms and compares them to the anti-Semitic discourse in contemporary Germany and the United Kingdom. ...It should be noted that the article does not treat these comments as being specific to the Slovenian environment in any way. The hatred, which can be universalized as the relationship between antisemitism and anti-refugee xenophobia (or Islamophobia), contains a number of homogenous elements. The cultural, religious, economic and conspiratorial motives behind the hatred and fear of the Other were formed in a similar fashion when it comes to both the hatred of Jews, and especially after 2015, the hatred of refugees. If the former is distinguished by the characteristic contempt for Jews, the latter is dominated by anti-Muslim and Islamophobic sentiments. However, the discursive features and metaphors are remarkably similar in both cases, and the expressions of hatred, racism, xenophobia and intolerance against refugees have transformed into open approvals of Hitler, fascism, Nazism, and the Third Reich, as well as a fascination with the horrific acts of the Holocaust, genocide, extermination, suffering, torture and killing. The paper attempts to show, at the level of concrete analysis, the similarities of the two public discourses and how Islamophobic discourse has adopted the linguistic apparatus developed by antisemitism, while also refreshing it and radicalizing it further. The analysis of the refugee (or the migrant) and the Jew in the language of hatred points to many analogies: just as we presumably needed an awakened leader (Führer) to deal with the Jews, we now need a new Hitler to deal with the refugees; the figure of the former was replaced by the figure of the latter. From this, we can conclude that Islamophobic discourse fundamentally overlaps the antisemitic discourse: the refugee today is occupying the position of a threatening Jew. The relatedness of both discourses contributes to the consolidation and normalization of Islamophobia in the public space as a form of new racism and thus provides rationalization for a belief system that unambiguously triggers sympathy for the Holocaust, genocide and killing, only this time based on Islamophobic prejudices against refugees.
Avtorica v prispevku poskuša z dekolonialnega vidika predlagati konstrukcijo genealogije odnosa med feministično politiko ter črnskimi in staroselskimi antirasističnimi boji v Abya Vali. Raziskuje ...pozni nastanek antirasističnih, dekolonialnih in etno-rasnih gibanj in bojev v Latinski Ameriki, razumevanje ideologije procesa rasnega mešanja (mestizaje), in procese širše severnoameriške okcidentalizacije (t. i. pozahodenja) kot ovire za premagovanje in soočanje z rasističnim imperialnim umom, celo s strani feminizma, v njegovem poskusu, da bi ta um dekoloniziral.
Globalni kapitalizem postaja z aktualnimi gospodarskimi in finančními krizami vse bolj barbarski in nas vrača v 19. stoletje. Proti sodobnim hegemonskim reakcionarnim utopijam, ki prikrivajo ...planetarno socialno vojno ter uničujejo svoboščine (Samary, 2017: 7) in solidarnost, velja uveljaviti napredne teorije in prakse. Tako o novi sociologiji postajanj (Santos, 2014: 164) zadnja štiri desetletja razmišlja čedalje več avtorjev, prav tako pa smo priča preporodu heterogenih, avtentičnih, avtonomnih in alternativnih ekonomskih praks, poimenovanih od économie sociale et solidaire, economía social y solidaria, skupnostna ekonomija do socialnega podjetništva, start-upov, kriptovalut itn., četudi zadnji s širjenjem svoboščin, s solidarnostjo in z družbenimi spremembami nimajo pravzaprav nič skupnega.
Prispevek temelji na kritičnem branju Adornovega in Horkheimerjevega poglavja o kulturni industriji iz Dialektike razsvetljenstva. Avtor najprej izlušči štiri temeljne razsežnosti obravnavanega dela, ...jih kritično ovrednoti ter o njih v nadaljevanju, v nasprotnem vrstnem redu, premišlja v kontekstu produkcijskih sprememb na umetniškem področju, tj. v kontekstu razvoja kreativnih industry.
The article presents an empirical example of the solidarity economy developed by the social cooperative "Stara roba, nova raba" and shows how socially excluded people can organize for survival and ...campaign for social change by reusing abandoned goods. The author also problematizes some of the basic narratives that are ingrained in the dominant system, namely the myth of the invisible hand of the market, the embeddedness of the economy in social life, and the process of the commoditization of both people and things. The foundations of the paper are provided by an intensive one-year auto-ethnographic study conducted during the formation of a community in collaboration with homeless people. The author has also been involved with the non-governmental organization Kings of the Street for fourteen years, and employs her experience to substantiate the article. The main methodological guideline of the research was to constantly evaluate how the people that were involved in the process use cooperative activities to include themselves in a wider community. The author aims to determine the obstacles that reaffirm their marginalized position and examine if there is potential for the community economy to overcome its correctional role and become a transformative force that can help build a new, more balanced and friendly socio-economic system.
Anti-Roma/Anti-Gypsy Racism and the Decolonial Approach This article uses a decolonial approach to locate the emergence of anti-gypsy racism within the context of genocide/epistemicide-based ...construction of modernity modernity. The author presents the history and present life of Gypsy Roma, and highlights that the Roma community has been racialized ever since the emergence of the Spanish empire.
