El Estado colombiano se encuentra en una fase o era que se ha denominado como posconflicto. Esto se debe al Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con el grupo insurgente Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia ...(FARC), a las actuales negociaciones de paz con el grupo insurgente ELN, y el inicio de mecanismos de negociación con otros grupos criminales (en el marco de la polÃtica de Paz Total). Aunque en todos los procesos se ha declarado que su implementación debe tener un carácter regional, en este artÃculo se evidencia que se ha mantenido un esquema centralizado en la implementación del acuerdo. Lo anterior podrÃa darse por la debilidad administrativa y polÃtica que históricamente han tenido los entes territoriales colombianos. Por ende, se propone el uso de instituciones jurÃdicas establecidas en la Constitución PolÃtica de 1991, que se erigen como mecanismos de descentralización que pueden contribuir a la distribución de recursos y competencias adecuadas y que permitan el desarrollo de una polÃtica a gran escala para alcanzar los objetivos de los diferentes procesos de paz.
Wilhelm G. Grewe's "Epochen der Völkerrechtsgeschichte", published in 1984, is widely regarded as one of the classic twentieth century works of international law. This revised translation by Michael ...Byers of Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, makes this important book available to non-German readers for the first time. "The Epocs of International Law" provides a theoretical overview and detailed analysis of the history of international law from the Middle Ages, to the Age of Discovery and the Thirty Years War, from Napoleon Bonaparte to the Treaty of Versailles, the Cold War and the Age of the Single Superpower, and does so in a way that reflects Grewe's own experience as one of Germany's leading diplomats and professors of international law. A new chapter, written by Wilhelm G. Grewe and Michael Byers, updates the book to October 1998, making the revised translation of interest to German international layers, international relations scholars and historians as well. Wilhelm G. Grewe was one of Germany's leading diplomats, serving as West German ambassador to Washington, Tokyo and NATO, and was a member of the International Court of Arbitration in The Hague. Subsequently professor of International Law at the University of Freiburg, he remains one of Germany's most famous academic lawyers. Wilhelm G. Grewe died in January 2000. Professor Dr. Michael Byers, Duke University, School of Law, Durham, North Carolina, formerly a Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, and a visiting Fellow of the Max-Planck-Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law, Heidelberg.
After years of paralysis, the 1990s saw an explosion in the number of United Nations field operations around the world. In terms of scope and level of ambition, these interventions went beyond the ...tried and tested principles of classical UN peacekeeping. Indeed, in some cases - such as Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor - the UN presence assumed the form of quasi-protectorates designed to steer war-torn and deeply divided societies towards lasting peace. This book examines the UN's performance and assesses the wider impact of 'new interventionism' on international order and the study of international relations. Featuring eight case studies of major UN interventions and an introductory chapter outlining the most important theoretical and political features of the international system which have led to the increased interventionary practices of the UN, this book will appeal to students and researchers in international relations and international organizations.
•We review 79 empirical articles on intrastate environmental peacebuilding written between 2002 and 2019.•We examine linkages between NRM and peace dimensions (non-violence, shared identity, ...capabilities, and substantial integration).•Evidence of environment-peace linkages is mixed: NRM shows both positive and negative linkages to all peace dimensions.•Peace as capabilities and substantial integration are particularly important contributors to peace outcomes.•We highlight five major avenues for future research in intrastate environmental peacebuilding.
As a discipline, environmental peacebuilding “integrates natural resource management in conflict prevention, mitigation, resolution, and recovery to build resilience in communities affected by conflict” (EnPAX 2020). Increasingly, peacebuilders have deployed environmental peacebuilding in intrastate and interstate contexts to advance peacebuilding objectives. Despite its growing appeal, environmental peacebuilding has been critiqued for lacking a strong theoretical foundation grounded in empirical evidence. Clear causal mechanisms linking environment and peacebuilding remain poorly specified, meaning many of the core assumptions in environmental peacebuilding circulate in peer-review and policy literature without critical reflection. In this article, we conduct a review of the empirical literature on environmental peacebuilding to examine linkages between NRM and intrastate peacebuilding. Our analysis builds on the notion of a “peace continuum” to identify four dimensions of peace (absence of violence, shared identity, capabilities, and substantial integration), and models how NRM initiatives contribute to or detract from those dimensions, as well as their cumulative impact on wider peacebuilding processes (i.e. positive, negative, or mixed). We systematically coded and analyzed 79 empirical articles on intrastate environmental peacebuilding written between 2002 and 2019 to identify the causal mechanisms and sub-mechanisms driving NRM-peace linkages. We reviewed research from 40 conflict-affected countries, and our sample included articles that found NRM initiatives to have an overall positive (N = 20), negative (N = 13), or mixed (N = 35) effect on peacebuilding (N = 11 coded as other). While we find the evidence for environment-peace linkages is mixed and context-dependent, our analysis suggests that NRM initiatives show consistent indirect and direct linkages to all dimensions of peace, but especially peace as capabilities and substantial integration. We argue, in particular, that building peace as capabilities – via initiatives that facilitate political inclusion, equity, and livelihoods – may be a necessary condition for fostering positive peace. However, we also find that detracting from peace as substantial integration – via initiatives that destabilize social cohesion, undermine state legitimacy, or produce distributive injustice – may be a sufficient condition for spoiling positive peace. Further, there is evidence to suggest that building peace as capabilities can counteract peace as substantial integration. We highlight five major avenues for future research, the most important being to understand how distinct dimensions of peace interact to influence larger peace processes. Overall, our results suggest that environmental peacebuilding can be a critical tool in post-conflict peacebuilding, but that peacebuilders should be aware of the ways in which it can systematically undermine peacebuilding efforts.
Looking back over the past seventy-five years of UN peacekeeping, the most enduring question has been: Is peacekeeping effective? Historically, most peacekeeping operations have been. However, ...peacekeeping is currently suffering from a significant trust deficit. One important factor that differentiates contemporary peacekeeping operations with a stabilization mandate from the historic record is the absence of a viable political or peace process. When security is not directed to serve a peace process, it produces a stabilization dilemma: the more effectively a peace operation protects and achieves stability, the less incentive there is for ruling political elites to find long-term political solutions. This dilemma generates several perverse effects, including prolonging the conflict, trapping operations in place with no exit options, increasing the resilience of armed groups, and embedding peacekeeping in the local political economy. The article identifies five factors that help prevent the stabilization dilemma and influence the effectiveness of peace operations.
This article examines how trauma, crime, violence, and masculinity are connected in the novel Moronga (2018) by Honduran–Salvadoran author Horacio Castellanos Moya. The novel highlights the ways in ...which, thirty years after the signing of the Peace Accords, war trauma continues to oppress survivors of the civil war and determine their daily lives, beyond temporal and geographical borders. The novel points out how the transition into the neoliberal economy has transnationalized all aspects of the Salvadoran economy, including that of organized crime, which has undergone globalization, as have trauma and Salvadoran communities. Through the novel’s depiction of violence and crime, the author suggests that only those who perpetuate patriarchal violence in postwar diasporic communities will thrive, whereas those who aspire to carry out memory labor and peacefully heal the emotional wounds of the past will be defeated by the perverse logic of the system.
Afghanistan as a focal state for super powers remained a war- torn territory since 19th century. Its geopolitical importance can’t be ignored as country connects South Asia to Central Asia. ...Afghanistan as a neighbouring state of Pakistan is also very significant for India. Peaceful/violence circumstances in Afghanistan have immense effect on Pakistan. Pakistan had to pay high cost of the war against terror in the Afghanistan. Despite extending of full cooperation to USA, Pakistan was identified as an untrustworthy state, as US blamed Pakistan that all the terrorists operating in Pakistan are the state sponsored terrorists. On the other hand, Pakistan as the US ally cannot be trustworthy for Taliban. During peace process, paradoxically US accepted Pakistan as a vital mediator between the Taliban and US. Pakistan remained US ally, whenever US needed. On other hand, Pakistan may have to pay heavy cost after US withdrawal. After Taliban take over, Pakistan has started to deliver humanitarian aid to Afghanistan & provided shelter to Afghan refugees. China, the emerging power of the world, has taken initiatives to enhance with Afghanistan. Once again it is China which needed Pakistan for successfully attaining its aim. Pakistan eminence in South Asian region cannot be neglected. Regional peace and stability are vital for Pakistan’s own viability and prosperity.
How does moral language affect international bargaining? When countries rely on
moral language to frame a disputed issue, they decrease the probability of
peaceful compromise and increase the ...probability of the dispute escalating with
military action. This language operates through two pathways. First, moral
language prejudices domestic audiences against compromise over the disputed
issue, thereby limiting the options available to negotiators during bargaining.
Second, moral language prompts the dispute opponent to also utilize moral
arguments to defend its position. The ensuing moral debate moralizes both sets
of domestic audiences, consequently reducing opportunities for compromise and
narrowing the bargaining range. Negotiated concessions then frustrate the
bargaining opponent and elicit accusations of hypocrisy from domestic audiences
for compromising on the principle at stake. This backlash triggers crises and
pressures the government to stand firm on its previously principled (and
uncompromising) position, increasing the probability of military escalation. An
examination of the effects of moral language on negotiation breakdown and
dispute escalation in the Falkland Islands/Islas Malvinas case probes the
theory. The findings illustrate how moral language can shape a
government's behavior far into the future, constraining its ability to
broker a peaceful compromise.
Explanations for the persistence of violence in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo blame the incendiary actions of domestic and regional leaders, as well as the inefficacy of ...international peacebuilding efforts. Based on several years of ethnographic research, this article adds another piece to the puzzle, emphasizing the perverse consequences of well-meaning international efforts. I argue that three narratives dominate the public discourse on Congo and eclipse the numerous alternative framings of the situation. These narratives focus on a primary cause of violence, illegal exploitation of mineral resources; a main consequence, sexual abuse of women and girls; and a central solution, extending state authority. I elucidate why simple narratives are necessary for policy makers, journalists, advocacy groups, and practitioners on the ground, especially those involved in the Congo. I then consider each narrative in turn and explain how they achieved prominence: they provided straightforward explanations for the violence, suggested feasible solutions to it, and resonated with foreign audiences. I demonstrate that the focus on these narratives and on the solutions they recommended has led to results that clash with their intended purposes, notably an increase in human rights violations.
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