Metafore imajo moč strukturiranja naših zaznav in razumevanja, njihova večkratna uporaba v medijskem diskurzu pa lahko vpliva na ustvarjanje bralčevih negativnih sodb. To medijsko orodje je izjemno ...močno pri spreminjanju ideoloških prepričanj in sistemov, saj lahko medijska obravnava ranljivih skupin globoko ukorenini negativne implikacije in negativna stališča do teh ljudi. Kljub temu, da so na to problematiko opozarjale številne študije, se nehumana obravnava ranljive skupine beguncev ni spremenila, čeprav je minilo že kar nekaj let od začetka begunske krize leta 2015. V prispevku kvalitativno analiziramo poročanje o beguncih od junija do septembra 2018 v treh angleških spletnih časopisih: The Guardian, The Telegraph in The Independent. Analizirali smo 30 naključno izbranih člankov, ki so poročali o različnih dogodkih v zvezi z begunci in begunsko krizo. Namen te analize je ugotoviti, kako so o različnih dogodkih v tem časovnem obdobju poročali omenjeni angleški časopisi ter katere metafore so pri tem najpogosteje uporabljali. Rezultati kažejo, da so medijska poročila še vedno negativno obarvana in da se negativne metafore še vedno uporabljajo. Poleg široko razširjene vodne metafore, so se pojavljale tako vojne metafore kot tudi metafore, ki opisujejo begunce kot živali in kot blago oz. predmete. Označevanje in prikazovanje beguncev kot grožnje je zelo nevarno, saj se na ta način razvijajo in spodbujajo negativne družbene podobe ter tudi legitimizirajo zatiralske nacionalne prakse. Raba nestrpnega jezika lahko povzroča negativne podobe beguncev v javnosti, hkrati pa spodbuja ksenofobijo, marginalizacijo in diskriminacijo, zato bi bilo treba retoriko o beguncih in begunski krizi čimprej spremeniti.
Pracovní migrace z Ukrajiny do České republiky probíhá již patnáct let. Během tohoto období si Ukrajinci vypracovali několik strategií, které jim umožňují přístup na český pracovní trh. Jednou z ...těchto strategií je participace na organizovaném systému zvaném "klientelismus", která mezi ostatními zaujímá dominantní úlohu. Klientelistický systém lze v termínech moci a výdělku rozdělit do tří stádií. Na vrcholu pomyslné pyramidy stojí skupiny organizovaného zločinu, na spodku ukrajinští dělníci. Mezi nimi se nachází třetí skupina: takzvaní klienti. Jejich hlavní aktivita spočívá ve zprostředkování. Převádějí peníze mezi mafií a imigranty, fungují jako zprostředkovatelé mezi nabídkou a poptávkou po pracovní síle na trhu práce a v neposlední řadě zajišťují kontakt mezi imigranty a českými i ukrajinskými úřady. Záměrem tohoto textu je daný klientelistický systém popsat, vyložit jeho funkce a důvody, proč existuje právě v této podobě.
U radu se bavi normativnim značenjem multikulturalizma i idejom promicanja kulturne različitosti putem politika identiteta, politika različitosti i politika priznavanja te multikulturalističkim ...politikama kao odgovorima na izazove povezane s kulturnim i religijskim različitostima. Iznošenjem triju multikulturnih teorija – liberalnog multikulturalizma, egalitarnog multikulturalizma i dijaloškog multikulturalizma i njihovom kritikom želi se upozoriti na ograničene dosege i nesuglasja u vezi s načinima uključivanja različitih kulturnih skupina u društvo. Da bi se upozorilo na propuste multikulturalističkih politika u integraciji migranata, raspravlja se o kritici multikulturalizma iz aspekta političkih lidera Njemačke, Velike Britanije i Francuske, povezanosti etničke različitosti, multikulturalizma i socijalne države te o integracijskim učincima multikulturalističkih politika u zemljama s izdašnom socijalnom državom. Na kraju se predlažu napuštanje jednodimenzionalnog shvaćanja multikulturalizma i uvođenje pristupa koji će u sebi objediniti politiku ekonomske redistribucije i politiku priznavanja različitosti.
Minority threat theory and existing research show that public attitudes towards certain types of offenders (e.g. ethnic and racial minorities) are often more punitive. Research also reveals that a ...significant proportion of the public associates the increase of immigration with higher crime rates. Negative attitudes, as well as an overall anti-immigration sentiment, have been increasing internationally. Therefore, we hypothesise that the public will have more negative and punitive attitudes towards immigrant offenders than towards citizens. Using a sample of students from the University of Zagreb, this research tested the above-mentioned hypothesis and explored whether factors like immigration status, ethnic identity, type of offense, and the age of the hypothetical offender impact student attitude on immigrant crime. To test this proposition, we used online surveys with factorial vignettes. The results show that participants ask for harsher sentences for undocumented immigrants, but immigrant status and the national origin of the immigrant are not associated with the perception of recidivism, dangerousness, or criminal typicality of offender.
This article aims to describe the sociolinguistic situation of two Italian-speaking communities in Santa Catarina. It presents a sociolinguistic panorama of Nova Trento and Nova Veneza from the 19th ...century, emphasizing the most important aspects of the history of Italian immigrants in Brazil, as well as the main factors that affected the use of Italian language varieties, and residents’ views and attitudes regarding the languages spoken in this part of southern Brazil. From the beginning of Italian immigration to Brazil the immigrants experienced different historical circumstances that have led to the current state of their dialects, mainly the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas. But after almost one hundred and fifty years the dialects are still spoken and they have become part of the Brazilian cultural heritage.
Immigration in Ireland, including the Croatian one, has risen significantly in recent times. That is why in the last several years Ireland has been trying to find ways of ensuring the adequate ...cultural and linguistic integration of immigrants into Irish society. This paper deals with the language use and attitudes among Croatian immigrants in Ireland. The research that was conducted in the period from June to August 2019 included 82 Croatian immigrants in Ireland. It included the application of a questionnaire that consisted of four parts and that was filled out by the participants through the Facebook social network. The participants were asked questions connected to their emigration to Ireland. Most of the language-related questions included a reference to the English language, with a focus on specific aspects related to the process of learning, knowledge and use of English in different contexts. The results of the research suggest, among other things, that most participants have a positive attitude towards residing in Ireland and towards the English language. Most of them evaluated their current knowledge of English as better than average. Although the knowledge of English was not predominantly evaluated as crucial for finding employment in Ireland, still a significant number of participants evaluated it as relevant for their employment.
Presented are the perceptions of different foreigners who came to Slovene lands in the past or in the present time, as shown in Slovene folk narratives. Despite often stereotyped picture of the ...Others, the research demonstrates an immense complexity of these narratives and the fact that they tell more about Us than about Them. The book ('The Mysteriou Stranger and the Demonic Enemy. “The Other” and Otherness in Slovene Folk Narratives') brings a theoretical overview of the current research on otherness in folklore studies and contextualizes the examples into a wider international folkloristic, anthropological and historical frames. Stories about the Turks, the Napoleon’s French and the Huns reflect an interweaving of historical facts, archetypical imageries of the dangerous Foreigner and ideological influences. These narratives are strongly embedded into the landscape and reinforce the sense of a common identity of its members. The imagery of historic aggressors is understandably quite different from the imagery of Jews and the Roma, with whom the people of the Slovene lands have had a completely different kind of contact.The same goes for contemporary foreigners from other countries. Nevertheless, they all display a high level of stereotypization, generalization and projection of fears upon “the Other”.
The first comprehensive study of literary works created both orally and in writing by immigrants to the United States from the Hispanic world since the early nineteenth century.
Debating Immigration, first published in 2007, presents 18 original essays, written by some of the world's leading experts and pre-eminent academics, that explore the nuances of contemporary ...immigration and citizenship affecting the United States and Europe. The volume is organized around the following themes: religion and philosophy, law and policy, economics and demographics, race and ethnicity, and cosmopolitanism. Critical questions addressed include: What accounts for the disconnect between public attitudes about immigration and the policies produced by elected officials? Why has the United States not developed a well-articulated public philosophy of immigration? What does the Christian Bible have to say about immigration policy? What are our moral and social obligations to our fellow citizens, and do these trump our obligations to the world's poor? How does the European experience differ from the American situation?
The paper deals with the normative meaning of multiculturalism and the idea of promoting cultural diversity through the politics of recognition, the politics of diversity and identity politics. The ...author wants to draw attention to the limited achievements and disagreements of multiculturalism with regard to the ways of including various cultural groups in society by exposing three multicultural theories – liberal multiculturalism, egalitarian multiculturalism and dialogically constituted multiculturalism. In the European context multicultural policies, as a state sponsored policies of integration, refer to the way in which countries respond to the cultural differences resulting from the increase of the number of immigrants. The countries’ responses to these differences depend on the organization and structure of state institutions, the distribution of states’ power and authority, and the manner of functioning of the welfare state (Geddes, 2003). Multicultural policies, as any other integration policies, should strive for immigrants to become equal citizens and to develop a sense of belonging to a host country. This paper examines how multiculturalist policies have been successful in achieving these goals.Bearing in mind the fact that there is no integrative theory of multiculturalism that provides clear answers to questions related to the regulation of the cultural, religious and ethnic diversity, we have put forward three starting points of multicultural theory in order to indicate the variety of disputes that arise around these issues in modern liberal societies. Many liberal and even progressive thinkers believe that meaningful multiculturalism must be based on the equality policy, economic redistribution and social restructuring (Fraser, 1997), which is quite in line with the aim of the integration policy, that is equal treatment of immigrants in the host society and development of a sense of belonging among them. In the debate on multiculturalism there is a particularly pronounced gap when it comes to the idea of economic redistribution. On the one hand, the emphasis is on the idea of recognition of cultural differences without a call for economic redistribution, and on the other the issue of recognition is neglected in favour of economic redistribution. A more comprehensive conception of multiculturalism would require elimination of such contradiction (cf. Hartman and Gerteis, 2005), and the one-dimensional concept should be replaced with the integrative concept that includes both politics – politics of recognition and of economic redistribution.The multiculturalist policies in Europe have been criticised from all sides. Criticism of multiculturalism has wide repercussions in various spheres of society and, among other things, it is a new impetus to extreme political parties that advocate a restrictive immigration policy as well as limited access to citizens’ rights. The politicians of the three most powerful European economies (Germany, Great Britain and France) have taken a strong stance against multiculturalism and allegedly poor integration effects of multiculturalist policies as well as for disintegration of society. This understanding implies a static concept of social order in which cultural diversity is perceived as a threat to social cohesion. In this opinion, social order and stability are always much more difficult to achieve and maintain in the context of diversity than in the context of homogeneity. Besides, in the European context, questioning of multiculturalist approach and a certain return of assimilation (theory and politics) could be also found in the work of the United States theorists who try to justify such policies considering them as a strong platform which reduces the structural inequalities (Glazer, 1993; Portes and Zhou, 1993; Alba and Nee, 2003).It is doubtful how much the reintroduction of assimilation policies in the European context would achieve the desired integration results. It seems that the introduction of any radical solutions referring to the inclusion of newly arrived groups produces very poor integration effects. Forcing cultural assimilation by state institutions through the introduction of obligatory integration courses and through giving importance only to socio-economic dimension could be just as deflating as the granting of special cultural rights and recognition of cultural difference through multiculturalist policies and ignoring importance of socio-economic dimension of integration.Since recently there have been discussions about the connections between the politics of recognition and the politics of redistribution, it could be assumed that the multiculturalism backlash stems from economic rather than ideological reason. However, research findings do not confirm that the introduction of multiculturalist policies affects the weakening of the welfare state. But, on the contrary, there are findings that show how multiculturalism policy combined with generous welfare state could cause poor integration outcomes. Many theoretical research (Banting and Kymlicka, 2004; Banting et al., 2006; Entzinger, 2006; Evans, 2006; Kraus and Schönwälder, 2006; Miller, 2008) question the connections between ethnic diversity, multiculturalism and the welfare state. However, there are few studies that explain how multicultural policies linked with generous welfare state influence immigrant integration. The findings of many studies dealing with the influence of multicultural policies on the welfare state suggest that the very multicultural policies are not responsible for the weakening of the welfare state and for reducing the allocation of funds for social purposes (Banting and Kymlicka, 2004; Banting et al., 2006; Evans, 2006; Entzinger, 2006; Miller, 2008). In the study of twenty-three types of multiculturalist policies, Banting et al. (2006) tested whether countries with more developed multiculturalist policies faced impoverishment and erosion of the welfare state in comparison with the countries in which these policies were less developed. It has been found that multiculturalism policies did not affect either the impoverishment or weakening of the welfare state, and even the number of immigrants, national minorities and indigenous people did not affect the welfare state and its functioning although it seemed that a sharp rise in the immigrant population affected the distribution of social resources.Entzinger (2006) presented interesting findings about the retreat from the proclaimed multiculturalism as official national policy in the Netherlands trying to explain whether the abandonment of the multiculturalist policies caused a weakening of the welfare state, which occurred due to the generous funding of minorities and migrant groups. He concluded that a certain shift from multiculturalism policies was not a consequence of the weakening of the welfare state but because these policies failed to integrate minorities into socio-economic sphere of Dutch society. The results of several cross-national analyses suggest (Murdie and Borgegard, 1998; Phillips, 1999; Koopmans, 2010) that multiculturalist policies have failed to integrate immigrants particularly with respect to socio-economic terms. A large number of migrants continue to be dependent on social assistance, they have a low employment rate and high unemployment, live in poor housing conditions, their children have a lower level of education and high school dropout rate, they are spatially segregated and their quality of life is worse than that of the natives. Ruud Koopmans (2010) also provides a similar argument about the retreat of “multicultural” policy approaches in the Netherlands. Analysing integration policies and the welfare-state regime in eight European countries Koopmans claims that multicultural policies, when joined with a generous welfare state, have resulted in low immigrant integration outcomes. These outcomes refer to low levels of labour market participation, high levels of segregation and a high crime rate among immigrants.Koopmans (2010) argues that in the countries with a generous welfare state, multiculturalism may not be beneficial for all immigrants because it can lead to dependence on the welfare-state support and consequently to the increase of social and economic marginalization (Koopmans, 2010: 2). Multiculturalist policies in the European context have failed as indicated by unsatisfactory integration results. The policies in the Netherlands, Sweden and Belgium, for example, have allowed migrants to survive on the welfare support without their inclusion in the labour market. It affected their economically disadvantageous position and further marginalisation. At the end of the paper the normative reasons for preserving cultural and ethnic diversity are questioned. What if traditional values and preserving culture are not of crucial importance for a “good life” as multicultural theorists claim, but are also brought into question? As Barry (2006: 78) pointed out, birth or belonging to a particular ethnic group did not oblige anyone to be a guardian of their "ancestral culture." Finally, it should be noted that immigrants are not a homogenous group as Parekh (2008) pointed out. They differ among themselves with regard to the level of education, lifestyles, ethnic and/or religious affiliation, social capital, etc. In studying and making immigrant integration policies it should be kept in mind.
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