This article explores LGBT politics of space in Jerusalem, a contested and fractured city. By interpreting the challenges and contradictions inherent in the Jerusalem Open House (JOH), a social ...movement and community space in Jerusalem, the article will show how the discourse and the practice of the JOH lead to a politics of holding. This LGBT spatial politics consists of striving to include oppositional politics, emphasizing the consolidation of public and private LGBT politics of home. The JOH persistently maintains a politics of holding, continually balancing inclusion, creating a home-like space and framing the organizational space as a shelter for all LGBT individuals in Jerusalem, while adopting a politics of visibility. This visibility enhanced processes of politicization which at many points stand in contrast to the JOH's goals of being accessible, inclusive, and safe. The politics of holding illustrates the religious, political, national, and ideological fractures' at work in producing a unique kind of LGBT spatial politics in the conservative Jerusalem space.
Abstract With a nationally representative, repeated cross‐sectional sample of over 250,000 Americans from 2016 to 2019, we investigate the role that religious and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and ...transgender) identities play in influencing Americans’ political attitudes, centering the narratives of religious LGBT Americans. We find that nearly half of LGBT Americans affiliate religiously. Logistic regressions show that identifying as religious is related to more conservative views on LGBT rights and abortion while identifying as LGBT is related to more liberal views on both of these issues. We failed to observe interaction effects, suggesting that religious affiliation influences LGBT individuals’ political views in a manner similar to the way it influences cisgender, heterosexual individuals’ views. Comparisons of the variation accounted for by religious or LGBT identities show that religious affiliation more frequently accounted for more variation in political views.
An increase in international funding for LGBT+ rights advocacy in Uganda has resulted in not only a mushrooming of organizations but also intra-community competition for visibility, attention, and ...limited resources. Against this backdrop, we set out to study how organizations relate to each other in the Ugandan LGBT+ Twittersphere. Following an analytical framework around rationalities of mediated participation, we study with whom Ugandan LGBT+ organizations relate through mapping retweets and @mentions emanating from selected Twitter accounts. The resulting network maps reveal a dividing line between more well-funded and internationally connected organizations and lesser established organizations. By supplementing the network analysis with qualitative readings of key accounts and semi-structured interviews, we conclude that access to international funds and negotiating visibility explains the network structures. The article thus reveals interesting Twitter practices, showing LGBT+ organizations use the platform as a means for negotiating and claiming space inside the Ugandan LGBT+ community.
W artykule przedstawiono sposób postrzegania mniejszości homoseksualnej w Singapurze. Sięgnięto do historii obecności Imperium Brytyjskiego w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej oraz opisano obecną sytuację ...dotyczącą praw społeczności LGBT. Ukazano przemiany prawne związane z akceptacją osób należących do mniejszości seksualnych.
Artykuł przedstawia przeszłość państwa-miasta oraz jego kodeks prawny, a także opisuje podejmowane przez aktywistów próby wpłynięcia na singapurski rząd aż do listopada 2022 roku, gdy nastąpiło zdekryminalizowanie stosunków seksualnych między mężczyznami. Analiza pokazuje, że mniejszość homoseksualna wciąż jednak mierzy się z problemami w aspekcie prawnym, choć dzięki działaniom aktywistów i rosnącej świadomości społecznej stopniowo zwiększa się poziom akceptacji homoseksualizmu w Singapurze.
Abstract Introduction Anti-fascist theories suggest different meanings for anti-LGBTIQ+ rights laws. This paper explores how 2023 increases in US anti-LGBTIQ+ bill attempts can be explained. Methods ...A Critical Discourse Analysis of 1054 US anti-LGBTIQ+ state-level bill submissions from 1 Jan 2018 to 31 December 2023, compared 2023 trends to previous data. Results The co-ordinated neofascist mobilisation behind US hyper-productivity and erratic contradictory justifications of anti-LGBTIQ+ bills expanded exponentially, emphasising less resisted campaigns. Initially smaller bills targeted political weak spots: transgender youth in primary schools, bathrooms and politically enabling Republican-governed states. Increasingly bills expanded in number, frequency, size, and punitive reach against LGBTIQ+ and other citizens’ rights, in wider contexts (higher education, public and Democrat-governed spaces). By 2023, bill strategies used hypocritical and hypothetical anti-LGBTIQ+ logics; replicated federally to thwart democratic and economic structures. Conclusions Anti-fascist, Queer and critical socialist theories explained the 2023 bills’ increase as building upon past partisan mobilisation on wedge transgender state election issues; towards neofascist diminishment of increasingly wider-ranging and higher-level US democratic structures, rights protections, and economic functioning. Policy attacks on vulnerable social groups’ rights — particularly trans youth — can signal ‘early stages’ within neo-fascist strong-man state-identity creation supporting democratic structure diminishments. Policy Implications Multi-level multi-cultural pluralist democratic institutions and support structures with inter-reinforced rights recognition expansions should be required by and should protect the rights of all citizens.
In this article we aim to analyze the processes of creation of the National Union of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals (UNA LGBT) in the west of Santa Catarina. The emergence ...of UNA LGBT in Chapecó made it possible to consolidate LGBT parades in the region, occupying public spaces in a city with conservative features. A qualitative research was carried out along with recorded interviews of five people that participated in the creation of the movement, in addition to the participant observation by the researcher, who is also a member of the movement and producer of the field diaries added to the analyzed material. As a manifestation of the movement's consolidation, the activities carried out since its creation in 2016 were described, with a special focus on LGBT pride Parades, an element of increasing visibility, affirmation and cohesion of people dissenting from the normative cisgender and heterosexual system. The conclusions of the research carried out and of the present article, point to the fundamental importance of the constitution of collectives for the life and inclusion of vulnerable people, many of them due to the marginalization violated to those who do not fit the compulsory impositions of cisheteronormativity.
Neste artigo objetivamos analisar os processos da criação da União Nacional de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (UNA LGBT) na região Oeste de Santa Catarina. O surgimento da entidade na cidade de Chapecó possibilitou a consolidação das Paradas LGBT na região, ocupando espaços públicos em espaços de feições conservadoras. Foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa, com entrevistas livres e gravadas com seis pessoas participantes da criação e atuantes na UNA LGBT, além de observação participante do pesquisador; também membro do movimento e produtor dos diários de campo acrescidos ao material analisado. Como manifestação da consolidação do movimento UNA LGBT de Chapecó foram descritas as atividades realizadas desde sua criação, em 2016, com foco especial nas Paradas de Orgulho LGBT, elemento de crescente visibilização, afirmação e coesão das pessoas dissidentes do sistema cisgênero e heterossexual normativo. As conclusões da pesquisa realizada e do presente artigo apontam para a importância fundamental da constituição de coletivos para a vida e inclusão de pessoas vulnerabilizadas, muitas delas pela marginalização infringida aos que não se adequam às imposições compulsórias da cisheteronormatividade.
This article explores how Estonian LGBT activists make sense of their own activism. We analyze the activists’ perceptions of their activism, their identities and how those identities are deployed for ...action. All of these are, in turn, situated in how activists understand the broader Estonian LGBT community, and Estonian society’s historico-politically complex relationship with activism as such. The article is theoretically grounded within the new social movement theories and theories of emergent LGBT and activist identities. The analyzed material consists of interviews, observations, documents and meeting notes gathered via ethnographic fieldwork with Estonian LGBT activists in 2012–2013. Pragmatic and iterative qualitative analysis revealed that the activists studied resist the activist identity, and perceive there to be a weak collective identity among the broader Estonian LGBT population. However, the lobbying for the Registered Partnership Law (passed in 2014) brought a shift in LGBT activists’ ways of enacting their identities and their perception of the possibility of LGBT activism in Estonia.
