This article examines how imperialism was perceived at the end of the First World War with the publications of 'atrocity narratives' by Britain and Germany. It focuses on the German perspective ...represented in the 1919 'White Book,' a response to the British 'Blue Book' from 1918 which had claimed Germany to be an unfit colonial power by pointing to the genocide in German South West Africa, 1904-8. The White Book claimed that violence and brutality was a normal conduct of colonial powers and the confiscation of the German colonies was therefore unjust. Although the White Book was first dismissed, British officials were alarmed by many of its findings and at times even found them embarrassingly true. The article argues first that placing violence at centerstage of colonialism is in many ways similar to how colonial history is today approached by historians. Second, these atrocity narratives contributed to undermining the institution of empire and were brought into the diplomatic arena at the end of the war. By using colonial violence as a reason to confiscate colonies, Britain had unintentionally created a precedent in which colonial rule could be scrutinized and weighed according to the conduct of the colonial power.
"Versailles" und die Verrechtlichung der internationalen Politik Bei keinem anderen Frieden der neuzeitlichen Geschichte spielte die Berufung auf Recht und Gerechtigkeit eine so prominente Rolle wie ...nach dem Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs. Im Gegensatz zu bisherigen Darstellungen, die sich vornehmlich auf eine Demütigung Deutschlands durch das "Versailler Diktat" konzentrieren, bietet diese breit angelegte Neuinterpretation der gesamten Pariser Friedenskonferenz von 1919/20 ein differenziertes Bild. Marcus Payk kann anhand zahlreicher Beispiele nachweisen, welche politische Kraft, aber auch welche unkontrollierbare Eigenlogik völkerrechtlichen Argumenten und Akteuren während der Friedensverhandlungen zukam. Erst durch die Berücksichtigung der normativen Erwartungen der Vorkriegs- und Kriegszeit werden die Friedensabkommen mit Deutschland, Österreich, Ungarn, Bulgarien und dem Osmanischen Reich verständlich. Die Untersuchung ordnet den Friedensschluss damit in längerfristige Tendenzen einer Verrechtlichung der internationalen Politik ein und fordert zugleich dazu auf, über die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen des Völkerrechts nachzudenken.
1914-1918 yılları arasında yaklaşık dört yıl süren, milyonlarca insanın ölümüne, yaralanmasına, ülke ve şehirlerin yıkılmasına sebep olan Birinci Dünya Savaşı, İttifak ya da Merkezî Devletler denilen ...gurubun yenilgiyi kabullenmesi ile yapılan bir dizi ateşkes antlaşmasının imzalanmasıyla son bulmuştur. Ancak yapılan ateşkes antlaşmaları, sadece savaş haline son vermekten, gelecekte savaş sonrası paylaşım düzenini oluşturmak amacıyla yapılacak barış görüşmelerine bazı temeller getirmekten ileri gitmiyordu. Bu sebeple yenik devletlerle yapılacak asıl barışın tesisi için İtilaf Devletleri 18 Ocak 1919 tarihinde Paris'te bir araya gelmiştir. Öte yandan savaş sonrası emperyalist yayılma alanlarının belirlenmesinde meydana gelebilecek sorunları önceden tespit ederek ortadan kaldırmak düşüncesi de Konferansın toplanmasında bir diǧer önemli etkendir. Konferansta emperyalist emellerle hareket eden ülkelerden birisi de İtalya'dır. Ancak savaş sonrasında kurulması amaçlanan liberal düzene karşın İtalyanların realist politikalara baǧımlı beklentileriyle İtalya'nın gücü arasındaki dengesizlik ve müttefiklerinin soǧuk tutumu sebebiyle Konferansta bir takım zorluklarla karşılaşmıştır. Bu çalışmada İtalya'nın Paris Barış Konferansı boyunca üzerinde en çok durduǧu meseleler, hedeflerinin gerekçeleri, diǧer üç büyüǧün (ABD, İngiltere, Fransa) İtalya'ya karşı tutumu ve Konferansın İtalya üzerine olan etkileri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Diǧer taraftan İtalya'nın emellerine ulaşabilmek adına özellikle kendi yayılma alanında rakibi konumunda bulunan Yunanistan ile ortaya çıkan münasebetlerine ve Türkiye'ye karşı gelişen tutumuna deǧinilmiştir. Dolaylı olarak da dünya haritasını yeniden şekillendirecek görüşmelerin başlangıcı olan Konferans boyunca dünün müttefiklerinin nasıl bir çıkar çatışması içerisine düştükleri ve yaşanan sorunların Türkiye açısından önemine bir bakış açısı kazandırmak amaçlanmıştır.
For a century, British policy towards Poland at the Paris Peace Conference has divided opinions. One common view among historians specializing in the topic is that British policy was not only ...unsupportive but 'anti-Polish'. A minority takes the opposing view: British policy-makers may have differed with many of Poland's claims to contested territories, but they were well-meaning and took Poland's best interests to heart. At the core of the divergence are critical comments by many in the British delegation, notably Prime Minister David Lloyd George: that 'Poles' were emotional, 'difficult', and overreaching in their territorial claims. Such comments reveal that emotional content was integral to discussions of the Polish settlement. British delegates to the peace conference judged Poles and Poland in emotional terms and also expressed their feelings in connection with policy. Restoring the emotional content of Britain's policy at the peace conference provides a new framework for understanding how intercultural contact at Paris shaped policy-makers' discussions and contributes to recent explorations of the integral place of emotions in international history.
"Subject Peoples" arrived in the language of peacemaking after the Great War primarily as a way to understand post-imperial peoples of Central and Eastern Europe. As applied to the peoples of the ...former Ottoman Empire, however, peoples were categorized and assigned political characteristics according to specific schools of national political geography. British, French and American political geographers demarcated the ways thinking about the peoples of the Middle East that resonated throughout the century that followed.
During the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 multiple commissions were dispatched to manage the birth of the post-First World War order across central and eastern Europe. Examining the two commissions ...which managed the dispute over the former Habsburg Duchy of Teschen, Silesia, from the perspective of the Hotel Brauner Hirsch where they resided, this article examines the connections between diplomacy, tourism, geopolitics, and the hotel. While their hotel provided a place of work and security, its social function as a site of entertainment and enjoyment often interfered with the commissions' diplomatic functions. Meanwhile, the real and perceived behaviour of the members of these bodies within the hotel, as well as the potential dislocation caused by their presence in the region, made their hotel a complicating factor in their diplomacy.
In the aftermath of the First World War, relations between Italy and the new Czechoslovak state rapidly took a turn for the worse. The Italians were irritated by widespread sympathy demonstrated by ...Czechs and Slovaks toward the Southern Slavs and by the Francophile alignment of Prague leadership. Moreover, Italy was convinced that Czechoslovakia was trying to establish a regional preeminence in East-Central Europe and therefore preferred what it considered a more balanced settlement. Subsequently, at the Paris Peace Conference Italy was the only great victorious power to voice criticism vis-à-vis the territorial claims of the new state, first, during the preliminary exam in the Commission for Czechoslovak Affairs, then during the decision-making process in the Supreme Council. Although the Italian representatives remained cautious about the German presence in the Czech Lands, they expressed significant reservations toward the territorial settlements in south ern Slovakia, Subcarpathian Ruthenia and Teschen, and strongly contested the hypothesis of a corridor with Yugoslavia reaching the Adriatic coastline.
One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, ...thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement.
Il volume raccoglie saggi dedicati allo spazio caucasico e centro-asiatico, derivanti in gran parte dalle relazioni presentate, nel dicembre e aprile 2019, al convegno annuale dall’Associazione per ...lo Studio in Italia dell’Asia centrale e del Caucaso e alla XIII Giornata di Studi Armeni e Caucasici organizzata dal Dipartimento di Studi sull’Asia e Africa Mediterranea di Ca’ Foscari. Il volume rispecchia le differenti linee di ricerca seguite dagli studiosi che si occupano dell’area. Ne fanno parte studi di diversa matrice disciplinare: da contributi di carattere storico e filologico a studi contemporanei di taglio linguistico, letterario e politologico.
Paris Barış Konferansı Yolunda Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti Dursun Ali AKBULUT
Vakanüvis uluslararası tarih araştırmaları dergisi/Vakanüvis-uluslararası tarih araştırmaları dergisi,
11/2017, Volume:
2
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
Azerbaycan, Bolşevik ihtilalinden sonra hükümetini kurdu ve 28 Mayıs’ta cumhuriyetini ilan etti. Aynı yolu izleyen Kafkas berisindeki komşularıyla ilişkilerini geliştirmeye çalıştı ve doğal başkenti ...Bakü’ye Kafkas İslam Ordusu sayesinde, 15 Eylül’de kavuştu. Bağımsızlığını uluslararası seviyede temsil ettirmek, çağdaş devletler camiasında yerini alabilmek için Gürcistan ve Ermenistan Cumhuriyetleriyle birlikte hareket etti. Osmanlı Devleti sadece Azerbaycan için değil, diğer iki cumhuriyetle de vazgeçilemez yapıda ve konumda idi. Önce İstanbul’a geldiler, sonra Paris’in yolunu tuttular. Orada günlerce hatta aylarca kaldılar. Özellikle Azerbaycan ve Gürcistan murahhasları kader birliği etmişçesine Yüksek Konseyin huzurunda beklentilerini ve temennilerini dile getirdiler. Bağımsızlıklarını tanıttırdılar, Bolşeviklere karşı yardım sözü aldılar. Asgari şartlar altında da olsa elde ettikleriyle umutlandılar. Azerbaycan ve onun yanında Gürcistan’la ilgili gelişmeler İstanbul’u da memnun etti. Ne var ki batı dünyası tercihini Büyük Rusya’dan yana kullandı.
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