L'assassinat de Valentinien III (16 mars 455) fut interprété comme le prélude à une grave crise de l'empire d'Occident. Les sources considèrent le sac de Rome par les Vandales de Genséric (du 2 au 16 ...juin 455), ainsi que d'autres signes, comme une conséquence de ce meurtre. Dans une situation de vide politique, Genséric ne dépouilla pas la ville que de ses richesses et d'otages, mais aussi de ses symboles du pouvoir. En pillant les trophées que Rome avait accumulés au cours des siècles, le roi des Vandales montrait que le pouvoir se déplaçait à Carthage, la capitale de son règne. À cette grave dévastation s'ajouta bientôt l'acte impie du nouvel empe reur Avitus. Arrivé de Gaule à Rome avec les Wisigoths qui le soutenaient, Avitus fut bientôt obligé de les congédier. Il ordonna alors de détruire les statues et les déco rations en bronze afin d'obtenir, par la vente du métal, l'argent nécessaire pour les payer. Le peuple et le sénat s'insurgèrent à cause de cette action qui n'était nullement digne d'un empereur romain. Dans les milieux sénatoriaux se diffusèrent à nouveau des oracles qui rappelaient combien la protection des statues de Rome était néces saire pour garantir la survie de l'empire. Ces inquiétudes portèrent à la rédaction de la Novelle 4 de l'empereur Majorien (11 juillet 458), dans laquelle était rappelée la nécessité de défendre l'ornatus civitatis. De plus, le reflet de l'inquiétude des contem porains se transmit depuis les milieux occidentaux jusque dans la culture constantinopolitaine de VIe siècle. On trouve des traces de cette question dans les milieux de la bureaucratie palatine : chez Zosime, et, avec une référence explicite aux statues détruites par Avitus, chez Jean le Lydien et Jean d'Antioche. The murder of Valentinian III on March 16th 455 was perceived as an epochal break by a part of contemporary historians. The event also seemed to predict impending misfortune for the Roman western Empire, as the dynasty of Valentinian I and Theodosius was ended. Valentinian's assassination was in fact followed by the sack of Rome by Geiseric (2th-16th June 455). The city was brutally ravaged by the Vandals. As the emperor Petronius Maximus was killed in an unsuccessful attempt to leave the city, neither political mediation, nor military reaction were possible. Only Pope Leo I courageously negotiated with the Vandals. It was possible to come to an agreement: the safety of the population was guaranteed, but the wealth and the monuments of Rome were completely delivered to the Vandals. Actually, the devastating plunder of the city was not only caused by barbarian greed. Geiserich also acted according to his political strategy. As ruler o f a new powerful kingdom, Geiserich took with him statues and treasures in order to adorn his own capital, Carthage. This decision should symbolize the transfer of hegemony from the Roman empire in decline to the Vandalic State. After the sack of 455, the recovery of the city – as it had happened after Alarich's sack (410) – was not possible. Rome lost his majesty and his ancient magnificence. In this sorrowful atmosphere, the new emperor Avitus entered Rome in autumn 455. Avitus had been proclaimed emperor by the Gallic aristocracy and was also supported by the Visigoths. His entourage was in fact composed by Gallic officials and Visigothic troops. At his arrival, Avitus found the population exasperated by an harsh famine. The presence of the Visigothic allies was not tolerated, and Avitus was forced to send them away. In order to dismiss them, he needed money. However, there was no gold in the imperial treasures. Consequently, Avitus ordered to destroy bronze statues and decorations, and to sell them to the merchants in the city in order to distribute some gold coins to the barbarians. This decision roused the Senate and the Roman population to the revolt, since they were again robbed o f the adornments of their city. This time, however, a Roman emperor, instead of a barbarian king, outrageously insulted Rome, her monuments (ornatus civitatis) and his people. Avitus was considered unworthy of the imperial dignity. Majorian and Ricimer also rose in rebellion. Avitus was attacked on the way to Gaul and forced to renounce to the throne. Probably, this episode also influenced the fourth Novella of Emperor Majorian (July 11th 458). Inspired by the conservative faction of the Roman aristocracy, Majorian stressed again the importance of the adornments of the city (ornatus civitatis) as a symbol of the dignity of Rome. The Novella can be interpreted as a political and cultural response to Geiseric's and Avitus's impiety. On the other hand, after Avitus's insult to the Roman majesty prophecies on the decline were spread again across the empire. They probably aroused in the same political group of the conservative faction in the Roman Senate. A century later, in the cultural milieu of Constantinopolitan bureaucracy, John Lydus still linked Avitus's decision to a prophecy on the fall of the empire preserved by the Libri Sibyllini. The same episode is narrated by John of Antioch's Historia Chroniké (composed at the beginning of Heraclius's reign), as he described the sequence of tragic events which followed the murder of Valentinian III and foretold the end of the Western Roman Empire.
Il contributo analizza il rapporto tra la biografia di papa leone III e il Liber Pontificalis romano secondo una doppia direttrice di ricerca.
Da un lato, in maniera più tradizionale, viene studiata ...la biografia di Leone III contenuta nel testo romano, sottolineando come le scelte stilistiche e tematiche effettuate dai suoi autori possano essere il riflesso della situazione romana coeva, con particolare riferimento ai rapporti tra il pontefice, i sovrani franchi e la società cittadina.
Dall’altro invece la ricerca qui presentata tenta di sottolineare il ruolo giocato dal Liber Pontificalis all’interno delle vicende che interessarono il pontificato leonino, con particolare riferimento al processo canonico che vide imputato il pontefice.
Questo scritto infatti se da un lato ha rappresentato uno degli strumenti utilizzati dai papi per ‘acculturare’ e direzionare in senso romano i sovrani franchi, dall’altro però offriva un modello ideale di pontefici e un repertorio di precedenti storici, utilizzati spesso con valore normativo, cui gli stessi vescovi di Roma erano vincolati.
The document analyzes the relationship between the biography of Pope Leo III and the Roman Liber Pontificalis according to a double line of research.
On the one hand, more traditionally, we study the biography of Leo III contained in the Roman text. In this regard, it emerges that the stylistic and thematic choices made by its authors are a reflection of the contemporary Roman situation, with particular reference to the relations between the pontiff, the Frankish rulers, and the city society.
On the other hand, the research presented here attempts to underline the role played by the Liber Pontificalis in the events that struck the Leonine pontificate, with particular reference to the canonical process that saw accused the Pope.
This work represented both one of the tools used by the popes to “acculturate” the Frankish rulers in the Roman sense, and a reference text to evaluate the work of the pontiffs. The Liber offered an ideal model of popes and a repertoire of historical precedents, often used with normative value, to which the bishops of Rome themselves were linked.
Nel saggio si è cercato di evidenziare gli elementi di attrazione del convento agostiniano riformato di S. Maria del Popolo di Roma e i rapporti che i frati lombardi – di cui si sono messe in luce le ...personalità più eminenti che vi risiedettero – seppero intrecciare da una parte con gli ambienti ecclesiastici e curiali e dall’altra con le diverse realtà della società cittadina, che a vario titolo si trovarono a gravitare intorno ad esso e alla chiesa posta sotto la loro cura.
Il contributo ricostruisce la storia fondativa di due complessi ospedalieri destinati agli Incurabili, ripercorrendone le relazioni. Di fondamentale importanza per l’evoluzione dei sistemi sanitari e ...lo sviluppo urbano e territoriale delle rispettive città, l’Arciospedale di san Giacomo in Augusta a Roma e il complesso di santa Maria del Popolo degli Incurabili a Napoli furono caratterizzati in Età Moderna da una comune organizzazione e struttura dovute al ruolo esercitato dal notaio genovese Ettore Vernazza, fondatore della compagnia del Divino Amore, che ne coadiuvò e promosse le iniziative e da personalità del calibro di Gaetano da Thiene e Filippo Neri.
Attualmente dismessi e in condizioni fatiscenti, tali edifici testimoniano, per la qualità delle loro architetture e il ruolo assunto nei secoli, l’importanza e la centralità che i temi dell’accoglienza e della cura rivestirono sin dall’Età Moderna sollecitati dall’azione aggregante e solidale svolta dalle confraternite quali istituzioni caritatevoli in grado di contribuire attivamente al miglioramento della società e alla qualità e ai servizi degli spazi di vita quotidiani.
The visual formula of the church founder as a model bearer highlights the close links between the founder himself, the martyrs and God. In the Roman basilicas of Santi Cosma e Damiano (6th century) ...and Santa Prassede (9th century), the pope perpetuates his presence on the apse of the donated church by staging the gift of the building, thus fixing the act of donation of the church - depicted in miniature - within the donated church itself. Through these mosaic decorations above the high altar, the pope is inscribed in the collective memory and in a system of commemorations to ensure his salvation. By reappropriating architectural, textual and iconographic formulas that have been authoritative since the 4th century, the pope inscribes himself in a tradition and legitimises the exercise of spiritual power. Thus, the micro-architecture of the church echoes the basilica perceived as a monumental reliquary and offers a vision of a spiritualised materiality. In a church that prefigures the heavenly Jerusalem, the pope presents the ecclesia that he offers to the martyrs and to God and represents the Ecclesia, the necessary intermediary between the faithful and God.
La formule visuelle du fondateur de l'église en porteur de maquette met en lumière des liens étroits entre le fondateur lui-même, les martyr(e)s et Dieu. Dans les basiliques romaines Saints-Cosme-et-Damien (VI e siècle) et Sainte-Praxède (IX e siècle), le pape pérennise sa présence sur l'abside de l'église offerte par une mise en scène efficace du don de l'édifice, fixant ainsi l'acte de donation de l'église-figurée en miniatureau sein même de l'église offerte. A travers ces décors en mosaïques surmontant le maître-autel, le pape s'inscrit dans la mémoire collective et dans un système de commémorations afin d'assurer son salut. En se réappropriant des formules architecturales, textuelles et iconographiques qui font autorité depuis le IV e siècle, le pape s'inscrit dans une tradition et légitime l'exercice du pouvoir spirituel. Ainsi, la microarchitecture de l'église fait écho à la basilique perçue comme un reliquaire monumental et offre une vision d'une matérialité spiritualisée. Dans une église préfigurant la Jérusalem céleste, le pape présente l'ecclesia qu'il offre aux martyrs et à Dieu et représente l'Ecclesia, intermédiaire nécessaire entre les fidèles et Dieu. Mots-clés : mise en abyme, pape, iconographie, église, Rome
Alcune opere inedite da poco passate nel mercato antiquariale sono utili per approfondire spunti appena accennati nella recente monografia sul pittore veronese Alessandro Turchi (2019). Si tratta di ...dipinti e disegni che confermano il ruolo del giovane pittore all’interno della bottega di Felice Brusasorzi: prima come allievo, poi come chi assume il controllo delle commissioni nuove o da completare, arrivando ad imporsi nella considerazione dei committenti veronesi che lo accolgono tra gli accademici filarmonici. Qualche considerazione meritano pure i contatti veneziani che precedono il viaggio a Roma, vissuti in contatto con Palma il giovane e condivisi da un altro veronese che le fonti dicono allievo di Felice, Marcantonio Bassetti.
Militare di carriera, veterano di tre guerre, pluridecorato, Umberto Zamboni fu importante esponente del fascismo veronese. Al tempo della marcia su Roma comandò la colonna concentrata a Foligno. ...Inviato a Torino come questore dovette affrontare la rivolta delle guardie regie. Fu per breve tempo prefetto a Imperia, poi socio di aziende industriali, a lungo amministratore locale, dal 1939 senatore del Regno. Attraverso fonti diverse, coeve e non, se ne ricostruisce la biografia.
PDF
