Posljednjih nekoliko godina fenomen migracija izaziva iznimnu medijsku pozornost u cijeloj Europi, a među mnogobrojnim pitanjima koje ta široka i višeslojna tema otvara, nameće se i pitanje uloge ...jezika u konstruiranju prikaza migranata i oblikovanju stavova o njima. U ovom radu proučavaju se diskursne strategije koje se upotrebljavaju kod imenovanja i opisivanja migranata kao pojedinaca i kao društvene skupine. Središnji dio rada posvećen je analizi upotrebe strategija nominacije i predikacije (Reisigl i Wodak 2001), a osnovni cilj je analizirati jezik kojim mediji imenuju migrante i opisuju njihove osobine. Kako bi se ostvario osnovni cilj rada, nužno je razmotriti i konstrukciju opreke Mi/Oni, usko vezane uz pozitivan prikaz Sebe i negativan prikaz Drugoga, a uz pretpostavku da se konstruiranjem negativne slike o Drugom pridonosi oblikovanju pozitivne slike o Sebi. Opozicija Mi/Oni ostvaruje se u odnosu dvaju glavnih društvenih aktera, tj. Europe/europskih zemalja i migranata, a stajališta o migrantima kao dionicima društvene zbilje ispituju se na uzorcima korpusa preuzetih iz britanskih i talijanskih dnevnih novina.
Based on archival and published sources and relevant literature, the article describes the struggles of the communist movement led by Josip Broz Tito, the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia ...(NOVJ), against the Ravna Gora Chetnik monarchist movement led by Dragoljub Draža Mihailović, the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland (JVuO), in the fall of 1943 in eastern Bosnia and Sandžak. Based on primarily German archival sources, the article describes the course of the fighting between Tito’s and Mihailović’s forces in which Tito’s forces won. These struggles also had their international dimension, because shortly after their end, a conference was held in Tehran, at which Great Britain changed its previous policy. The change in British policy was reflected in the suspension of Mihailović’s support and open support given exclusively to Tito. The British state leadership, led by Winston Churchill, supported Tito because, due to the NOVJ’s military efficiency, he fit into the British strategy of inflicting as many losses as possible on German forces, while the support for Mihailović was suspended due to accusations of collaborating with German forces in the joint fight against the NOVJ. There have been numerous historiographical controversies about the reasons why Great Britain changed its policy towards Mihailović, ignoring the importance of the struggles waged by the NOVJ and JVuO forces in the autumn of 1943. What has been largely neglected in the literature so far is the fact that one of the immediate consequences of these battles was the open cooperation of the JVuO in the Sandžak area with German forces. Although the agreement signed with German forces by the JVuO commander in Sandžak, Vojislav Lukačević, is known in the literature, it was not placed in the context of previous NOVJ and JVuO battles in eastern Bosnia and Sandžak, nor in the changes in Churchill’s policy toward Mihailović. This paper aims to fill this gap and to explain the interdependence between these three events.
Policing Humanitarianism examines the ways in which European Union policies aimed at countering the phenomenon of migrant smuggling affects civil society actors' activities in the provision of ...humanitarian assistance, access to rights for irregular immigrants and asylum seekers. It explores the effects of EU policies, laws and agencies' operations in anti-migrant smuggling actions and their implementation in the following EU Member States: Italy, Greece, Hungary and the UK.The book critically studies policies designed and implemented since 2015, during the so called 'European refugee humanitarian crisis'. Building upon the existing academic literature covering the 'criminalisation of migration ' in the EU, the book examines the wider set of punitive, coercive or control-oriented dynamics affecting Civil Society Actors' work and activities through the lens of the notion of ' policing the mobility society'. This concept seeks to provide a framework of analysis that allows for an examination of a wider set of practices, mechanisms and tools driven by a logic of policing in the context of the EU Schengen border framework: those which affect not only people, who move (qualified as third- country nationals for the purposes of EU law), but also people who mobilise in a rights-claiming capacity on behalf of and with immigrants and asylum- seekers.
This book offers new insight into the end of the British Empire in the Middle East. It takes a fresh look at the relationship between Britain and the Gulf rulers at the height of the British Empire, ...and how its effects are still felt internationally today. Over the last four decades, the Persian Gulf region has gone through oil shocks, wars and political changes, and yet the basic entities of the southern Gulf states have remained largely in place. How did this resilient system come about for such seemingly contested societies? Drawing on extensive multi-archival research in the British, American and Gulf archives, this book illuminates a series of negotiations between British diplomats and the Gulf rulers that inadvertently led Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE to take their current shapes. The story addresses the crucial question of self-determination versus 'better together', a dilemma pertinent to anyone interested in the transformation of the modern world.
Environmental problems – particularly climate change – have become increasingly important to governments and social researchers in recent decades. Debates about their implications for social policies ...and welfare reforms are now moving towards centre stage. What has been missing from such debates is an account of the history of the welfare state in relation to environmental issues and green ideas.
A Green History of the Welfare State fills this gap. How have the environmental and social policy agendas developed? To what extent have welfare systems been informed by the principles of environmental ethics and politics? How effective has the welfare state been at addressing environmental problems? How might the history of social policies be reimagined? With its lively, chronological narrative, this book provides answers to these questions. Through overviews of key periods, politicians and reforms the book weaves together a range of subjects into a new kind of historical tapestry, including: social policy, economics, party politics, government action and legislation, and environmental issues.
This book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars of environmental policy and history, social and public policy, social history, sociology and politics.
Istraživanje se bavi odnosom Velike Britanije prema mletačkom tržištu tokom 1713. i 1714,obeleženih pregovorima vođenim u Utrehtu i Raštatu. U radu je korišćena građa iz Nacionalnogarhiva u Londonu ...(The National Archves at Kew Gardens, London). Značaj istraživanja ležiu činjenici da odnosi dve države nisu među istoriačrima prošlih generacija privlačili pažnju,čime se nije mnogo odmaklo u njihovom rasvetljavanju.
This Routledge Focus aims to investigate and analyse the United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Communities (EC) and the European Union (EU). Since joining the EC in 1973, the UK has had a ...fraught relationship with the organization, declining closer economic union in the eurozone and, often, arguing against closer political union. While some 67% of the UK’s voters opted to remain in the EC in a referendum held in 1975, by June 2016 a narrow majority favoured leaving the EU. This volume evaluates the UK’s journey into the Union, and examines how the country’s voters came to decide on Brexit, and where the UK’s departure from the EU may lead it.
Julie Smith is Director of the European Centre, POLIS Department, Cambridge University, and Fellow of Robinson College, Cambridge. She is also a member of the United Kingdom House of Lords.
1. Introduction
2. The Origins of European Integration: Emerging Lines of (Dis-)engagement
3. Winning and Losing: money, power and the politics of treaty reform
4. Leaving the People Behind
5. Seeking to reconcile Conservatives and Coalition
6. Cameron’s Three Rs: Reform, renegotiation, referendum
7. Where do we go from here?
Postscript
References
Index
The paper analyses the correspondence between Josip Juraj Strossmayer and Lujo Vojnović (1885-1892). Five letters from this period have been included as an Appendix, with a critical apparatus. The ...remainder of the correspondence, covering the years 1893-1901, with a total of nine letters, will be analysed in Part II, likewise with full transcription. Special attention has been paid to those letters that refer to some crucial international aspects of Croatian politics. Strictly speaking, when it comes to the correspondence from 1885 to 1892, in addition to Vojnović’s letter to Strossmayer of June 5, 1885, which has already been a subject of scholarly analysis, this includes only two other letters: Vojnović’s from July 23, 1892, in which he asked Bishop Strossmayer to support his memorandum in French to the famous British statesman William Ewart Gladstone, in which Vojnović recommended him the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement (1868) as a template for the Home Rule Bill, which Gladstone proposed to the British Parliament in 1886 and 1893; and Strossmayer’s reply to that letter of July 25, 1892, in which, instead of supporting Vojnović’s initiative, he presented a series of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic policy towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and generally towards non-Hungarian peoples in Transleithania, the Hungarian half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1867). In his reply to Vojnović, Strossmayer also presented some racist and pseudo-anthropological objections about the Hungarians, whom he considered unable to overcome feudal social organization and establish modern civil institutions. He attached another letter with the same date to this reply, asking Vojnović to seal it and send it to Gladstone together with his own letter. This second letter likewise contains a number of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic politics. Regarding the scope of Strossmayer’s influence in shaping Gladstone’s critical views on the Hungarians and their policy towards the non-ruling peoples of Transleithania, especially towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom, it should be pointed out that Gladstone, who won his fourth and last electoral mandate in 1892, not only refused to support Strossmayer in his criticism of the Hungarians, but did not even reply to his letter of July 25, 1892. The author of this paper argues that Gladstone did so mainly for pragmatic political reasons, considering that he was otherwise in very cordial and friendly relations with Strossmayer: Great Britain was at that time providing strong support to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as an important balancing factor in European politics, an obstacle to both Russian expansionism towards the West and German progress in the East. Therefore, if it all came down to Gladstone alone, the results of Strossmayer’s efforts to expose Hungary’s repressive policies against the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania in Great Britain would have been insignificant. However, they found an extremely strong resonance with another Briton, likewise very influential: it was Robert William Seton-Watson, who published a fragment of Strossmayer’s sealed letter to Gladstone as an appendix to his book The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy (1911), while in another book, Racial Problems in Hungary (1908), starting not only from Strossmayer’s ideas in this regard, but also from the results of his own research and insights, he informed the European public about the hegemonic policy of the Hungarian political elites towards the non-Hungarian peoples in the Kingdom of Hungary, especially the discriminatory towards the Slovaks, based on strong cultural prejudices. Taking into account that this problem of the Hungarian attitude towards the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania aroused great interest among British historians and journalists, the correspondence between J. J. Strossmayer and L. Vojnović from July 1892 has also been considered in the wider context of Croatian-British and Hungarian-British discussions and confrontations in this regard. As Strossmayer’s racist objections against the Hungarians played an important role therein, this paper focuses particularly on the national stereotypes and racist narratives in the political and scholarly discourse of the time. By analysing several scholarly and journalist publications from the mid-19th century until the end of the first decade of the 20th, the author argues that national stereotypes, including the racist narrative, articulated to support one’s critical hypotheses about other nations, were almost equally present in Croatian and Hungarian, as well as in British authors who dealt with this issue at the time, although, of course, in different proportions. Thus, traces of such discourse can be found even in Seton-Watson, who tried to avoid it in every way and condemned it on principle. This, again, means that Strossmayer’s racist and xenophobic formulations about the Hungarians were in no way an exception, but rather a segment of the racist narrative that was prevalent at the time, spilling over from the public and political into the scholarly domain. In this sense, this paper can be understood as a critical analysis of a communication discourse present in the 19th and early 20th centuries that was inappropriate from an ethical and scholarly points of view, based as it was on quasi-historiographical, pseudo-anthropological, and racist stereotypes, which today would be completely inacceptable, especially in view of the obligation to respect the prescribed ethical norms in scholarly work and public activity.
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