La manipulación del sistema electoral español por parte de las elites que condujeron la transición política ha sido demostrada en numerosos estudios. Esta manipulación pasa por la existencia de un ...gran número de circunscripciones de baja magnitud y su interacción con la desviación del prorrateo, la fórmula de Hondt y, sobre todo, el efecto de varianza de las magnitudes del distrito. En este artículo se introduce un nuevo sesgo no estudiado hasta ahora y que facilitó también la victoria de UCD: el sesgo de participación. Se demostrará que la manipulación del sistema condujo a que UCD obtuviera sistemáticamente la victoria en aquellos distritos con menos participación y que sus rivales ganaran en las zonas más participativas. El "precio" de los escaños de UCD fue, por tanto, menor. Tal sesgo se ha mantenido y sigue beneficiando a los partidos que obtienen su apoyo en las zonas que menos participan y que, a su vez, son las más sobrerrepresentadas. /// The manipulation of the Spanish electoral system carried out by the political elites that led the political transition has been proved by several studies. This manipulation moves through the existence of a large number of low-magnitude districts and its interaction with malapportionment, the Hondt formula and, above all, the variance effect of district magnitudes. In this paper I will discuss another bias that has not yet been studied by researchers, and which also paved the way for UCD victories: the turnout bias. I will show how the manipulation of the electoral system led UCD to win systematically in the districts where there was low turnout and how its opponents won in districts with high turnout. Therefore the "price" of the seats for UCD was lower. This bias has remained and it favours those parties that have support in the districts with low turnout which are, at the same time, more overrepresented.
One of the most well-developed fields of research in political science is the analysis of electoral systems and the effect they have on party system size. How the electoral structure of a system ...affects the stability of a party system is discussed.
Drawing on evidence from first and second elections in emerging democracies, this article addresses issues pertinent to understanding the interplay between institutional design and change on the one ...hand and on the other hand the course of the democratization process, its background and concomitants. Because the electoral system (understood broadly, that is, not only as seat allocation rules) is often seen as an institution conducive to the legitimation of emerging - and therefore fragile -democracies, it is important to examine how the development of the electoral system has influenced the democratic transition outcome, in a number of cases. Cases considered include Kenya, Mongolia, Nepal and Tanzania, while comparisons with countries outside the third world such as Bosnia-and-Herzegovina and South Africa throw additional light on the argument. By seeking to avoid both the fallacy of electomlism and the fallacy of anti-electoralism, the article argues that the electoral system is a crucial factor behind the unsatisfactory course of the democratization process in many countries. More emphasis should be put on sustaining the different prerequisites of democracy, while simultaneously more effort should be put into the preparation of elections, in order to progress beyond simple and inadequate electoral democracy. The technical refinement of the electoral process, while far from sufficient to guarantee democratic development, can be a step in that direction. Credible and transparent elections are conducive to internal legitimacy and the dynamic of the political-electoral process will gradually bring along more contestation, more participation, and the enjoyment of more rights and liberties.
Valgordningen er et sentralt element i det representative demokratiet. Beslutningen om hvilken valgordning vi skal ha er en viktig del av den demokratiske prosessen, og den utgjør en viktig ...rammebetingelse for individuell velgeratferd og for konkurransen mellom partiene. En valgordning er et resultat av kompromisser mellom partier som kan ha svært ulike interesser knyttet til utformingen. Det finnes imidlertid ingen ordning som fullt ut tilfredsstiller alle ideelle krav. Denne artikkelen gir først en oversikt over hovedtyper av valgordninger og utviklingen av den norske valgordningen for stortingsvalg, og dernest en analyse av den nåværende ordningen med vekt på dens politiske konsekvenser. Sett under ett er den valgordningen som ble vedtatt i 2003 blitt mer partipolitisk proporsjonal enn tidligere, samtidig som den geografiske fordelingen av mandatene er blitt mer systematisk og ikke like skjev som tidligere. Både den nåværende ordning og tidligere ordninger kombinerer elementer som avspeiler ulike prinsipper og hensyn. Dels ønsket om større partipolitisk proporsjonalitet, og dels ønsket om at partisystemet ikke bør fragmenteres. Analysene viser at samspillet mellom de ulike elementene er komplekst. En og samme ordning kan gi ulike utslag alt etter balanseforholdet mellom partiene og den geografiske fordeling av stemmene. For å kunne studere effektene av eventuelle endringer av ordningen er det derfor nødvendig å gjennomføre beregninger basert på data over tid. Nøkkelord: arealfaktor, proposjonalitet, stortingsvalg, utjevningsmandater, valgordning
In this paper, the results of the 2005 autonomous election in Galicia are analyzed. After a review of the political context and the campaign, we present and analyze the results at electoral and ...institutional level explain the main reasons behind the defeat of the Popular Party after 16 years of absolute majority in the Galician Parliament and discuss its implications for the political system at the Galician and Spanish levels.
DEFECTOS DE FORMA LLORENTE, FRANCISCO RUBIO
Revista española de derecho constitucional,
01/2014, Volume:
34, Issue:
100
Journal Article
Open access
Revisión crítica de la situación actual de nuestra forma de Estado y de Gobierno. Tras un breve resumen del período constituyente para subrayar las urgencias del momento, se señalan algunos defectos ...del parlamentarismo contemporáneo que en España pueden verse agravados como consecuencia de las decisiones adoptadas para hacer frente a tales urgencias. Se analiza después la evolución del sistema de distribución territorial del poder a partir de la fórmula constitucional, cuya ambigüedad es también producto de la urgencia. Critcial review of the current situation of the Spanish State and its Governance. After a brief description of the period in which the Constitution was shaped, in order to underscore the urgency driving the drafting, we point to some defects in contemporary parliamentary politics that may be aggravated in Spain as a consequence of decisions adopted to achieve immediate solutions. We then analyse the territorial distribution of power based on the constitutional formula, suggesting that its ambiguity was also the outcome of urgency.
El presente trabajo tiene como foco el estudio de las instituciones de los sistemas bicamerales de Latinoamérica, atendiendo a sus variaciones y a las posibles diferencias que éstas producen en el ...sistema de toma de decisión. Así, se propone identificar el potencial impacto que cada arreglo institucional tendría en las estrategias y comportamiento de los legisladores y en los diferentes aspectos de la elaboración de la política pública. Para ello se analizan diferentes características institucionales, como las reglas de selección de los legisladores, la base de representación, el tamaño de las cámaras, la duración del mandato, la renovación parcial de escaños, las atribuciones de las cámaras, los requisitos de elección y las diferentes modalidades de tratamiento de los proyecto de leyes. La muestra de países de comparación sistemática está compuesta por Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, México, Paraguay y Uruguay, y se incluyen colateralmente los países antaño bicamerales: Ecuador, Nicaragua, Perú y Venezuela.
Australian electoral systems have a history of malapportionment, designed to give added voting weight to rural and remote areas. However, by 2000, all Australian jurisdictions except Western ...Australia had adopted voting equality within specified tolerances. This paper provides a brief analysis of the Gallop Labor government's efforts to reform the Western Australian system, drawing primarily on interviews with key players involved in the debates, including parliamentary members of the political parties involved. Quotations in this paper are drawn from these interviews, which were conducted in August 2004.
In recent years, a number of countries have adopted versions of the 'Australian' electoral system of preferential voting for both national and sub-national elections. This article examines the ...diffusion of preferential voting systems around the world. It distinguishes between various types of preferential voting manifested in both majoritarian (eg alternative vote) and proportional (eg single transferable vote) contexts. It then examines the empirical record of the adoption of preferential voting in Europe, North America and the Pacific, identifying three ways in which the 'Australian' system has been transferred to other countries, via colonial transplanting, international imitation, and normative appeal. While the first two approaches have been traditionally influential, in recent years the normative appeal of preferential voting systems has become paramount. This is in part because of the globalisation of electoral assistance, which has provided an important opportunity for the diffusion of what have been, until recently, distinctively 'Australian' electoral procedures.
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