Der Beitrag untersucht die Motivationen und Handlungsmöglichkeiten der Mitglieder der Volksdeutschen Kulturgemeinschaft Nordfrankreich (VDK), eines Organs, das vom deutschen Besatzer 1942 ins Leben ...gerufen wurde, um die Germanisierung der Bevölkerung in der Region Nord/Pas-de-Calais zu unterstützen, ihr Schutz und Vorteile im Alltag (etwa bei Lebensmittelzuteilungen) zu bieten. Potenzielle Kandidat:innen entsprangen der polnischen Minderheit, der man ihrer Herkunft wegen (u.a. Ruhrgebiet, Schlesien) Zugehörigkeit zur ‚Volksgemeinschaft‘ zuschrieb. Viele Mitglieder dieser nur scheinbar homogenen Gruppe unterlagen einem indirekten Zwang oder nutzten die Gelegenheit, um die Kriegszustände besser zu überstehen, ohne sich mit der ihnen angehefteten Volkszugehörigkeit zu identifizieren.
De-Integrate Max Czollek / Jon Cho-Polizzi
2023
eBook
A controversial, best-selling polemic in Germany, De-Integrate! is a battle cry against Jewish assimilation into a dominant culture that seeks to paint over the past—and a handbook for minorities on ...how to embrace their difference and resist rising nationalism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and racism. Max Czollek's De-Integrate! is a polemical, often humorous examination of Jewish life in contemporary Germany that speaks to the position of minorities the world over. Rooted in sociological theory, the book offers an engaging and approachable critique of Germany's much-lauded traditions of memory culture and Vergangenheitsbewältigung —its "successful" negotiation of its Nazi past. Although modern Reunified Germany presents itself as having overcome historical trauma and integrated its now diverse, multicultural society, Czollek argues that this public image is merely a "Theater of Integration" showcasing those minoritized stories to bolster Germany's positive self-image, while sidelining the true potential of the country's radical diversity. Czollek posits that today's German minorities must embrace their differences and "de-integrate" from mainstream society in order to counter the rise of rightwing nationalism. On the one hand a stirring look at integration, belonging, and cultural diversity, and on the other a passionate denunciation of bigotry and virulent nationalism, De-Integrate! speaks across cultural, racial, and national divisions and points to a livelier future for all of us.
U Varaždin je Janez Trdina stigao 1853. s namjerom da se protiv germanizacije
bori poučavanjem omladine na narodnom jeziku, no brzo se suočava s činjenicom da većina Varaždinaca, prije svega ...intelektualaca, švapčari, tj. koristi njemački jezik ne samo u službi, već i u svakodnevnim govornim situacijama kada međusobno razgovaraju autohtoni Varaždinci. Mladi slovenski profesor i zagovaratelj narodnoga jezika kritizira taj jezični fenomen prozivajući ilirce koji su se borili protiv latinskog i mađarskog jezika u narodnom preporodu, a sad sami u svakoj prilici umjesto narodnoga jezika koriste njemački. Nadalje, Trdina smatra da je sramota što u Varaždinu samo pet godina nakon ustanka Hrvata za svoj jezik građani ne žele govoriti hrvatski te je običaj da varaždinska gospoda švapčare. Stoga im upućuje izravnu kritiku ne obazirući se na posljedice. Štoviše, sami su Varaždinci postali svjesni činjenice da u njihovom gradu caruje njemački jezik tek četrdesetak godina nakon odlaska Trdine iz Varaždina te ga se zbog toga može smatrati pretečom kritike švapčarenja u Varaždinaca.
The following conversation is an abridged transcript of a discussion that Prof. Dr. Beata Halicka (UAM ) held with Prof. Dr. Johannes-Dieter Steinert of the University of Wolverhampton in the UK . It ...took place on December 1, 2022 and was the opening event of a conference entitled
. The conference was organized by the Department of Economic History, the Department of Eastern European History and the Research Unit of Cultural History and was held at the Faculty of History of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Johannes-Dieter Steinert is a prominent specialist in the field of child forced labourers in National Socialist Germany and German occupied Eastern Europe. His books on the subject have been published in English, German and Polish.
The Hungarians Lendvai, Paul; Major, Ann
2021, 2021-03-02
eBook
An updated new edition of a classic history of the Hungarians from their earliest origins to today In this absorbing and comprehensive history, Paul Lendvai tells the fascinating story of how the ...Hungarians, despite a string of catastrophes and their linguistic and cultural isolation, have survived as a nation for more than one thousand years. Now with a new preface and a new chapter that brings the narrative up to the present, the book describes the evolution of Hungarian politics, culture, economics, and identity since the Magyars first arrived in the Carpathian Basin in 896. Through colorful anecdotes of heroes and traitors, victors and victims, revolutionaries and tyrants, Lendvai chronicles the way progressivism and economic modernization have competed with intolerance and narrow-minded nationalism. An unforgettable blend of skilled storytelling and scholarship, The Hungarians is an authoritative account of this enigmatic and important nation.
The nineteenth century Romanian society was going through a vast modernization process. Political life was no exception. It was in this context that numerous political parties made their appearance ...on the public stage, although the majority had only a temporary existence. The political party named “ The free and independent faction” is an interesting addition on the public stage. Antidynastic, had it been in their powers, they would have banished Prince Carol I of Romania. Their dream was to see a “ Romanian ruler on a Romanian throne”. Their importance lies in the overwhelming influence they had in Moldova, a Romanian province. They played a decisive role in Parliament, because their votes brought the power in the hands of the Liberals or the Conservatives. This paper aims to present a main aspect of this group’s ideology, to analyze the impact of their anti-Dynastic ideas and relate them to the person of Charles I and the foreign policy promoted by him. The study will also analyze the route of this party ideological ideas, in this case the anti-Dynastic ones, since its appearance on the public stage, to the point where they disappear as a political group, from public discontent to acceptance and even appreciation. Their beliefs are, as the study will point out, in close relation with the influence of Simion Barnutiu, the individual believed to be the group’s mentor.
Gafiţa Irina. L’idiologie fractionniste. L’anti-dynasticisme. In: Hiperboreea. Journal of History, vol. 2, N°1, 2015. pp. 133-151.
This sociolinguistic study analyses the discourse on the language of the Jura autonomist movement. It explores the hypothesis that the language ideologies present in this discourse have participated ...in the identity construction of the Jura separatists as a francophone linguistic minority endangered under the supervision of the German speaking Berne Canton majority.
Cette étude analyse, dans une approche sociolinguistique, les discours sur la langue du mouvement autonomiste jurassien durant les vingt années les plus chaudes de la lutte pour la création du 23e canton suisse. Elle explore l’hypothèse que les idéologies langagières présentes dans ce discours ont participé à la construction identitaire des Jurassiens séparatistes comme minorité linguistique francophone mise en danger sous la tutelle du canton de Berne à majorité germanophone. Un corpus varié a été dépouillé, consti-tué principalement de l’hebdomadaire autonomiste Le Jura Libre, des publi-cations du Rassemblement jurassien (RJ) et de ses membres et de documents d’archives. Le cas du Jura démontre une nouvelle fois que les idéologies langagières ne portent pas tant sur la langue que sur la société, classifiant francophones et bilingues, créant une frontière symbolique imperméable entre Bernois et Jurassiens. Partageant ces idéologies avec d’autres minorités, le RJ se fait l’amplificateur d’idées reçues très traditionnelles sur le bilinguisme, l’excellence du français, la germanisation ou le déterminisme linguistique qu’il réinterprète et oriente dans un sens lui permettant de faire du français une arme symbolique. Cette position linguistique est poussée à son paroxysme jusqu’à devenir une véritable posture de combat politique dans le contexte de la Question jurassienne.
Cette étude décrit le marché des films allemands en Moselle pendant l'annexion du département à l'Allemagne nazie. Elle analyse la politique locale du cinéma mise en place par les nouvelles autorités ...(partie 1), la programmation des films (partie 2), leurs circulations et leurs consommations par les spectateurs (partie 3). Privilégiant une approche anthropologique du cinéma, l'observation essaie d'interroger l'efficacité des mécanismes d'hégémonie culturelle qui ne se réduisent ni à une entreprise de manipulation politique, ni à l'imposition implicite d'une vision du monde. Elle porte son attention sur le plaisir comme moteur de la conduite esthétique et expression d'une sensibilité partagée.Dès juillet 1940, le cinéma est entièrement « germanisé » : l’organisation de l’activité cinématographique est placée sous le contrôle du NSDAP et les films (Deutsche Wochenschau, Kulturfilm et longs-métrages) sont tous projetés en allemand. Pour autant, le cinéma demeure l’activité-phare de l’annexion. La fréquentation des salles de cinéma est massive notamment du fait de la qualité d'une filmographie qui était déjà la première en Europe avant l'avènement du nazisme. L'analyse du marché montre également la faible présence des films de propagande les plus spontanément associés au cinéma nazi et la normalité d'un divertissement de culture germanique centré sur le succès des genres les plus populaires (comme les films musicaux, les mélodrames, les films historiques) et sur le prestige et la beauté de vedettes admirées (Viktor de Kowa, Marika Rökk, Viktor Staal, Ilse Werner, etc.).L'étude de la réception des films allemands en Moselle annexée est l'étude de l'expérience qu'en font les spectateurs, notamment les plus jeunes d'entre eux, dont nous avons pu raviver les souvenirs par l'intermédiaire d'enquêtes orales. Les films sont un moyen de se divertir, de s’extraire d'un quotidien coercitif et répressif, et d’observer les tensions sociales inhérentes à la société de l’époque. Cette appropriation des films est à l’origine d'une neutralisation des effets idéologiques des plus virulents d'entre eux, et d’un attachement profond des spectateurs au cinéma allemand en général. Son plaisir est entretenu. Il fait l'objet d'échanges, de discussions, de partages. Mais l'assimilation systématique de tous ces films à l'idéologie nazie a rendu impossible sa transmission après la chute du Troisième Reich et la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale.Pensé volontairement comme un vecteur essentiel de la germanisation des populations de l'Est de la France appelées à devenir des Allemands à part entière, utilisé comme un instrument de propagande de l'idéologie nazie et une vitrine culturelle de l'Allemagne, le cinéma en Moselle annexée est un loisir sous influence qui se vit pourtant librement. Le plaisir du cinéma allemand est à la fois ce qui permet aux autorités de s'imposer politiquement dans l'ordre du loisir et dans le même temps, ce qui rend possible, par le biais du jeu, caractéristique de l'homo ludens, le souci de soi et l'estime des autres. Cette ambivalence paradoxale est le propre de l'hégémonie culturelle
This study describes the German film market in Moselle during the annexation of the department to Nazi Germany. It analyses the local politics of cinema put in place by the new authorities (part 1), the programming of films (part 2), their circulation and their consumption by the spectators (part 3). Focusing on an anthropological approach to the cinema, it attempts to question the effectiveness of the mechanisms of cultural hegemony that are not reduced to political manipulation, nor to the implicit presentation of a worldview. The focus is on pleasure as the driving force of aesthetic behaviour and the expression of a shared sensibility.From July 1940, the cinema is completely "Germanized": the organisation of the film industry is placed under the control of the NSDAP and the films (Deutsche Wochenschau, Kulturfilm and feature films) are all screened in German. However, the cinema remains the core activity of the annexation. Cinema attendance is significant, particularly because of the quality of films that were the best in Europe before the advent of Nazism. Market analysis also shows how few propaganda films, of the kind most readily associated with Nazi cinema were shown and that Germanic cultural entertainment focused predominantly on the most successful genres (such as musicals, melodramas, historical films) and on the reputation and beauty of famous celebrities (Viktor de Kowa, Marika Rökk, Viktor Staal, Viktor Rökk, etc.)The study of German films in annexed Moselle is essentially a study of the experience of the viewers, especially the youngest of them, whose memories we have been able to revive through oral surveys. The films are a way to have fun, of escaping a coercive and repressive daily life, and the social tensions inherent in society at the time. This appropriation of film is aimed at neutralising the more dangerous ideological ideas, and the profound attachment of viewers to the German cinema in general. The gratification continues because it is the subject of exchanges, discussions, sharing. However, the systematic assimilation of all these films to Nazi ideology made it impossible to show them after the fall of the Third Reich and the end of the Second World War.Deliberately conceived as an important tool in the Germanisation of the peoples of eastern France (who were expected to become fully-fledged Germans) and to be used as a propaganda tool for Nazi ideology and a cultural showcase for Germany in annexed Moselle, cinema was a free-spirited leisure activity. The popularity of German cinema is what allowed the authorities to politically manipulate leisure-time, moreover, it was made possible through cultural play or 'homo lumens' and by caring for oneself and the esteem of others. This paradoxical ambivalence is characteristic of a cultural hegemony.
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