Based on archival sources and relevant literature, this paper portrays political circumstances and security situation in Western Slavonia from 1989, that is, from collapse of the communist systems in ...Europe and destabilisation of Yugoslavia by the political leadership of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, up until August 1991 when the overt Greater-Serbian Aggression started in Western Slavonia. Democratic processes in Europe also seized western Yugoslav republics, Slovenia and Croatia. These republics advocated either the restructure of Yugoslavia as a confederal state, or their independence in case that the political agreement with other republics about common state system was not feasible. Conversely, Serbian political leadership’s goal, supported by pro-Serbian oriented leadership of the federal Yugoslav People’s Army, was to impose Yugoslavia as a centralized state under the domination of Serbs, as the most numerous Yugoslav nation. After this policy failed, Serbian leadership attempted to create Greater Serbia which would comprise all territories which Serbian leadership considered as historically and ethnically a Serbian territory. Among others, that also included Western Slavonia where a certain part of population were ethnic Serbs. Part of these Serbs, as well as ethnic Serbs in certain other parts of Croatia, supported by Belgrade, gradually commenced rebellion against the Croatian authorities. Insurgency was led by representatives of Serbian Democratic Party whose centre was in town Knin. In the first phase of destabilisation the emphasis was on the thesis that the Serbs were endangered in Western Slavonia, in order to radicalize as many as possible, which was successfully implemented, and finally led to terrorist actions culminating with the open aggression in Western Slavonia.
This article examines attitudes of the Croatian final grade high school students towards the burdensome legacy of the Second World War and Croatian war for independence (1991–1995). Following the ...theoretical framework of memory studies, and implementing the concept of postmemory, we have developed a structural model connecting ideology and legacy of the wars. In addition, we have further modelled postmemory and its reliance on democratic values, namely political attitudes, trust in state institutions and political knowledge. Individualised predictors offered more nuanced analysis away from the binary understanding of pro-collaborationist and anti-fascist divide, in line with wider European trends and political culture(s).
The Homeland War in Croatia (1991-1995) resulted with a relatively great production of various hybrid nonfiction genres. War journalism in the mainstream media mainly reported facts by young ...unexperienced journalists. War reporting was dry and nowhere close to literary journalism. With one exception. In November 1991, Joža Vlahović, the doyen of Croatian journalism went to the frontline as a war reporter. This resulted in a series of short stories that fall into a wider scope called new journalism, literary journalism, immersion journalism, or narrative nonfiction. Hence, the research of these texts which were first published as war reports in 1991 in newspapers, and twenty years later gathered in a book significantly titled “Onaj rat je bio bolji” (That War Was Better), is a multidisciplinary research effort within literature and communication sciences to investigate these brilliant stories of a specific genre in always intriguing common ground of literature and journalism.
Domovinski rat u Hrvatskoj (1991.-1995.) rezultirao je relativno velikom produkcijom različitih žanrova hibridne publicistike. Ratno novinarstvo u vodećim medijima uglavnom su pisali mladi neiskusni novinari. Ratno izvještavanje bilo je suhoparno i ni blizu književnom novinarstvu. Uz jednu iznimku. U studenom 1991. Joža Vlahović, doajen hrvatskog novinarstva, odlazi na bojišnicu kao ratni izvjestitelj. To je rezultiralo nizom kratkih priča koje spadaju u širi opseg nazvan novo novinarstvo, književno novinarstvo, uronjeno novinarstvo ili narativna publicistika. Stoga je istraživanje ovih tekstova koji su kao ratni izvještaji prvi put objavljeni 1991. godine u novinama, a dvadesetak godina kasnije objedinjeni u knjizi znakovitog naslova “Onaj rat je bio bolji”, multidisciplinarno istraživanje unutar književnosti. i komunikacijske znanosti kako bi istražili ove briljantne priče specifičnog žanra u uvijek intrigantnim dodirnim točkama književnosti i novinarstva.
Although, 30-years ago, there was a limited number of computer networks and computers in the former Yugoslavia, as well as worldwide, they were used by academia and the elites, who had enough ...knowledge and access to computers and to modems. Their views on the political situation, which have been preserved in the digital world, may give valuable insight into events, and, notably, about how these elites perceived/participated in the collapse of the State, and how the public in different Yugoslavian republics articulated their views. The main problem relating to this kind of approach was the limited resources that were available, as the majority of the digital documents have been lost forever, so studying this topic through the use of pre-web digital documents looked more like digital archeology, and less like historical/textual analysis. This paper was written based on two case studies: the bulletin board systems (BBS) Sezam BBS, and the e-mail distribution list Pisma Bralcev, and how they were used to report on the Yugoslav People's Army’s attacks on Dubrovnik and Vukovar in Fall, 1991. In the first case, the study examines ‘Sezam BBS’, which was based in Belgrade and was used by Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian academics, politicians and journalists, and was, at the time, the most popular forum open to the public, and was under no government control. The second case was the email distribution list, Pisma Bralcev, which was run by Slovenian academics and was used for the distribution of news abroad. The data for analysis was collected through archival research on original discussions, e-mails, reports, etc. The main findings show that the bulletin board systems, discussion groups and e-mail enabled the first forums for the exchange of opposing ideas, and they became places in which the Yugoslavian elite could be informed beyond the information that was given by the mass media and politically controlled sources.
Iako je prije 30 godina u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, kao i u svijetu, postojao ograničen broj računalnih mreža i računala, njima su se koristile akademske zajednice i elite, koje su imale dovoljno znanja i pristupa računalima i modemima. Njihovi pogledi na političku situaciju, koji su sačuvani u digitalnom svijetu, mogu dati vrijedan uvid u tadašnje događaje, posebno u vezi različitih gledišta artikuliranih u pojedinim jugoslavenskim republikama vezanih za raspad države. Glavni problem u vezi s istraživanjem bili su ograničeni dostupni resursi, budući da je većina digitalnih dokumenata zauvijek izgubljena, pa je proučavanje ove teme korištenjem digitalnih dokumenata prije weba više izgledalo kao digitalna arheologija, a manje poput povijesne/tekstualne analize. Ovaj rad je pisan na temelju dvije studije slučaja: sustava oglasnih ploča (BBS) Sezam BBS i e-mail distribucijske liste 'Pisma Bralcev', koji su korišteni za izvještavanje o napadima Jugoslavenske narodne armije na Dubrovnik i Vukovar u jesen 1991. godine. 'Sezam BBS', sa sjedištem u Beogradu, koristili su srpski, hrvatski i slovenski akademici, političari i novinari, a bio je u to vrijeme najpopularniji forum otvoren za javnost i nije bila pod kontrolom vlade. Lista elektroničke pošte, Pisma Bralcev, koju su vodili slovenski akademici, služila je za distribuciju vijesti u inozemstvo. Podaci za analizu prikupljeni su arhivskim istraživanjem izvornih rasprava, e-mailova, izvješća, a glavni nalazi pokazuju da su ovi sustavi komunikacije omogućili prve forume za razmjenu suprotstavljenih ideja te postali mjesta na kojima se jugoslavenska elita mogla informirati mimo informacija koje su davali masovni mediji i politički kontrolirani izvori.
BackgroundThe main objective of this study was to investigate the frequency and type of oral pathological changes, oral subjective symptoms and the knowledge about oral cancer in the population of ...Croatian military invalids from the Homeland War.Material and MethodsA total of 102 Croatian military invalids from the Homeland War participated in the study. Data were collected on the presence of subjective symptoms in the oral cavity, and a detailed clinical examination of the oral mucosa was performed.ResultsAlmost half of the participants, 46 (45.1%), reported being smokers, and 64 (62.7%) consumed alcohol daily. Subjective symptoms in the oral cavity were reported by 25 (24.5%) of them. Pathological changes were found in 35 (34.3%) participants, of whom 14 (13.7%) had potentially malignant changes. Pathohistological findings confirmed the diagnosis of a potentially malignant lesion in 10 subjects and indicated the presence of moderate dysplasia in two, carcinoma in situ in one, and invasive carcinoma in one.ConclusionsParticipants didn't show adequate knowledge of risk factors. Forty-one changes in the oral cavity were found in 35 subjects, and as many as 14 were potentially malignant. According to the participants, most dentists and family physicians don't thoroughly and regularly examine their patients' oral mucosa. Key words:Oral cancer, oral lichen planus, leukoplakia, erythroplakia, actinic cheilitis, Croatian Homeland War invalids.
One of the most important topics of Croatia accession to the EU was cooperation with International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in Den Haag. ICTY was created by the ...international community to prosecuted war crimes committed during the wars in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990es. In Croatia, there was an opinion that the court will prosecute only Serbia and there was a shock when the first indictments were sent for war crimes committed by Croatian forces. A personification of this process was general Ante Gotovina, who was accused among others as a member of a joint criminal enterprise but, in the end, he was found not guilty. At the same time, some parts of Croatian society and media started to build a mythical status around Ante Gotovina. This paper will analyze this type of media coverage and how it did shape opinion and consequentially created a modern myth around Gotovina.
This paper systematically and empirically explores participation in the first 10 months of the Croatian Homeland War through theories of collective action. It tests the theory that in the face of ...indiscriminate violence, individuals will choose to participate in a conflict through joining an armed organization that can provide them with the resources to better survive. I hypothesize that as violence increases in a given area, the number of individuals joining the Croatian military forces will also increase. Using a dataset of daily event data and the number of participants per municipality, I test this hypothesis in a generalized linear model. The results show a significant relationship exists between violent events and increased participation.
U radu je analiziran slučaj udžbenika povijesti za četvrti razred gimnazije koji je duže od dvije godine bio u Katalogu odobrenih udžbenika, a potom je izbrisan iz kataloga. Analizom su obuhvaćene ...tri tematske cjeline (druga Jugoslavija, Republika Hrvatska, Domovinski rat), a analiza je provedena usporedbom sadržaja udžbenika s odredbama kurikuluma i drugih zakonskih i podzakonskih propisa koji su obvezujući za udžbenike povijesti. Uz to je pojašnjen i širi kontekst rasprava i sukoba koji u Hrvatskoj traju dva desetljeća glede problematike udžbenika i nastave povijesti. Analizom je zaključeno da sadržaj spornog udžbenika nije utemeljen ni na znanstvenim i obrazovnim standardima niti na propisanim vrijednosnim i etičkim zahtjevima, pa stoga ima iznimno razorne odgojne i obrazovne učinke. Na koncu je rad otvorio i ključno pitanje, kako je uopće bilo moguće da je takav udžbenik u ministarstvu uspio proći postupak stručne procjene i uvrštavanja u Katalog udžbenika.
This paper examines the case of a fourth-grade high school history textbook, which remained in the approved Textbook Catalogue for over two years before being removed. The analysis covers three thematic areas (the Second Yugoslavia, the Republic of Croatia, the Homeland War), comparing the textbook’s contents with provisions of the Curriculum and other laws and regulations that are binding for history textbooks. Additionally, the paper clarifies the broader context of debates and conflicts in Croatia over the past two decades regarding textbook issues and history teaching. The analysis concludes that the contents of the disputed textbook lacks foundation in scientific and educational standards, and prescribed value and ethical requirements, resulting in profoundly detrimental educational and upbringing effects. The paper raises fundamental questions about how such a textbook managed to pass the Ministry’s professional evaluation process and be included in the Textbook Catalogue.
Agresijom Jugoslavenske narodne armije i srpskih pobunjenika 1991. godine na hrvatske gradove, naselja i sela započeo je rat u Hrvatskoj. Kao posljedica agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku već 1991. ...godine formirana su bojišta. Jedno od vrlo aktivnih je bilo Ličko bojište gdje je nakon niza priprema izvedena brza i učinkovita Vojno-redarstvena operacija "Džep 93". Operacija je izvedena 9. rujna 1993., a imala je za cilj u taktičkom smislu osloboditi dio okupiranog područja Republike Hrvatske, otkloniti dio topničke ugroze od grada Gospića, uništiti izvidničko-diverzantske baze neprijatelja, skratiti bojišnicu i stvoriti vlastite slobodne snage. Jedan od važnijih ciljeva bio je pokazati sposobnost Oružanih snaga Republike Hrvatske za provedbu napadne operacije i time neprijatelju dati do znanja da se njegove neprijateljske vojne aktivnosti više neće nekažnjeno tolerirati. Autori su na temelju arhivske građe i recentne literature analizirali vojno-redarstvenu operaciju "Džep 93" te njezin taktički i operativni značaj.
Demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj Vukovarsko-srijemske županije u Domovinskom ratu i nakon njega odvijao se pod signifikantnim utjecajem demografskih ratnih gubitaka kao i dugoročnih ...demografskih, društvenih i ekonomskih posljedica rata i višegodišnje okupacije dvije trećine županijskoga teritorija. Na temelju dostupnih podataka u ovom su radu utvrđeni i opisani izravni demografski gubitci Vukovarsko-srijemske županije te ocijenjen njihov utjecaj na demografske promjene u Županiji u „ratnom“ međupopisju (1991. – 2001.).
The demographic, social and economic development of the Vukovar-Srijem county during and after the Homeland War occurred under the impact of the wartime demographic losses as well as the longterm demographic, social and economic consequences of the war and the long-lasting occupation of two thirds of the county’s territory. On the basis of available data, in this work the direct demographic losses of the Vukovar-Srijem county and their assessed impact on the demographic changes in the county in the „wartime” intercensal period (1991-2001) have been determined and described. Quantitative processing of the available digital database/application of the Croatian Memorial Documentation Centre of the Homeland War in Zagreb has determined that in the Homeland War, 3,636 pre-war inhabitants of Vukovar-Srijem county were either killed or went missing, which in comparison to the pre-war population figures (census 1991) results in an aproximate general wartime mortality rate of 15.72 per mille. Furthermore, through a numerical analysis the spacial, temporal and structural differentiation/selectivness of actual demographic losses in relation to certain parameters such as gender, age, nationality, pre-war residence of victims as well as to their places of death have been determined. The direct demographic losses established are a significant determinant of demographic changes in postwar Vukovar-Srijem county, particularly in the context of the strenghtening of the overall and natural depopulation as well as the accelaration of population aging as shown in the postwar censuses (2001, 2011, 2021).
